society
INEC Chairmanship in Crisis: Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan’s CV Under the Microscope. A Pandora’s Box for Nigeria’s Electoral Credibility
INEC Chairmanship in Crisis: Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan’s CV Under the Microscope. A Pandora’s Box for Nigeria’s Electoral Credibility.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | SaharaWeeklyNG.com
“When your electoral umpire is steeped in suspicion, DEMOCRACY becomes the biggest CASUALTY.”
From the moment Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan’s name surfaced as the new Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), a tidal wave of skepticism has engulfed the appointment. At the heart of the storm lie serious, unanswered questions about inconsistencies in his curriculum vitae; issues that go beyond mere gossipy chatter and strike at the heart of electoral legitimacy in Nigeria. In an era where “CERTIFICATE FORGERY” has become political shorthand for deceit, the nation cannot afford a blind eye when its most sacred democratic institution’s leadership is shrouded in doubt.
Let’s cut through the haze: we are not here for hearsay, but for documented anomalies demanding clarity and accountability.
I. The AGE-TO-POLYTECHNIC CONUNDRUM, 1967 to 1982.
Professor Amupitan is publicly recorded to have been born on 25 April 1967.
Yet, the State House press statement claims he attended Kwara State Polytechnic from 1982 to 1984. If true, this would place him at 15 years old entering tertiary education; a highly irregular, almost unheard-of scenario in Nigeria’s educational system. (Even assuming early schooling, bridging primary and secondary before the age of 15, then immediately into a polytechnic without documented transitional schooling is extremely unlikely.)
Notably, no public record (in his official CV or the press release) provides the names of his primary or secondary schools, or the years he attended them. That omission alone is suspicious. How can Nigerians verify whether he was fast-tracked, homeschooled or fabricated?
Some defenders will argue that prodigies exist, but in Nigeria (with its notoriously uneven record-keeping in education) such a claim demands rather than defies scrutiny. If indeed Amupitan did enter the polytechnic at 15, documentary evidence must exist: admission letters, transcripts or contemporaneous records from Kwara State Polytechnic.
As of this writing, none of these have been made public.
II. The “THREE-YEAR LAW DEGREE” Claim.
According to multiple press narratives, from 1984 to 1987, Amupitan studied Law at the University of Jos (UNIJOS), graduating with an LL.B in 1987.
Here is the problem, under Nigeria’s legal education system, the standard law program (LL.B) runs for five years for first-degree entrants (unless one is entering through some advanced standing or transfer system, which is rarely applicable to a polytechnic background). That means compressing a five-year programme into three years triggers alarm bells. One might argue that he transferred, had exemptions or entered an accelerated program. But the press release (and accompanying CV) provide no such clarifications. Indeed, none of the online profiles mention how or why this anomaly is valid. This glaring omission raises the credible possibility of misreporting or worse; embellishment.
If he truly graduated from University of Jos in three years, the university’s records should reflect:
Admission date and conditions
Course loads (whether he took heavy course overloads)
Approved credit exemptions, if any
Transcript that tracks semester by semester
The absence of such data is conspicuous. And until those transcripts or academic records are produced and verified, the suspicion of misrepresentation cannot be dismissed.
III. The ILLUSION of CHRONOLOGY. Head of Department and PhD Paradox.
Another weak link, Amupitan is said to have become. Head, Department of Public Law from 2006 to 2008.
Dean, Faculty of Law from 2008 to 2014. Meanwhile, his PhD in Law was awarded only in 2007.
The implication is stark, he allegedly held the Head of Department position before the completion of his doctoral degree – i.e. served 2006–2007 while still PhD candidate. Most federal universities, accustomed to bureaucratic propriety (or at least the fiction of it), require that department heads at the law school level hold the rank of professor or at minimum associate professor with terminal qualifications. To lead a department (public law) without a PhD or full professorial rank is uncommon, particularly in Nigeria’s federal university system.
Even more, becoming Dean only one year after the PhD (2008) is unusually rapid. The usual trajectory is that one must first serve years as professor, accumulate academic seniority, administrative experience and robust scholarship. While exceptional merit can accelerate promotion, the absence of any explanation in his CV (e.g. “unusually meritorious research output,” “special appointment”) only deepens the suspicion.
To be clear, in many Nigerian universities, administrators and deans must be senior professors. The fact that Amupitan’s trajectory places him in leadership roles while still in nascent academic rank counts against the narrative of a conventional academic progression.
IV. CHERRY-PICKED OMISSIONS and POLICY IMPLICATIONS.
Beyond these glaring inconsistencies, the State House press release (signed by Bayo Onanuga) is oddly devoid of.
Names of primary and secondary schools and the years he attended them.
Exact program or course of study at Kwara Polytechnic and whether he obtained an ND, HND or other diploma.
Admission documents or certified transcripts from Kwara Poly and UNIJOS.
University of Jos’s defense or third-party confirmation of claimed accelerated LL.B.
It is textbook practice in academic staff portfolios and public service nominations to list institutions, course majors, grades and timelines in full. The absence of those details here suggests selective presentation and precisely the kind of “CV PACKAGING” that raises red flags in the public interest.
Consider also the broader context of certificate forgery is not trivial in Nigeria. It is a criminal offence under the law, often grounds for disqualification in public service and election. Peter Obi, a former presidential candidate, has been vociferous in calling for full verification of academic credentials, noting that
“Criminal offences should not be dismissed as a mere procedural matter. We must end the era where forgery and deceit are rewarded with power. True leadership must begin with truth.”
Similarly, in one of his own statements, Obi attacked the impotence of INEC’s vetting systems
“It is appalling that our electoral body carries out little or no due diligence in confirming certificates submitted by candidate’s. Continuous discrepancies, false declarations and forged credentials undermine the credibility of our democracy.”
Festus Keyamo, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) once declared, “anyone who presents forged certificate to INEC is doomed.”
Peoples Gazette Nigeria
In this case, this warning returns as prophecy — if the new INEC boss’s own CV is in question, who remains beyond suspicion?
V. What Must Be Done? No STONE Left UNTURNED.
The anomalies in Amupitan’s CV are not inconsequential footnotes; they are fundamental challenges to his legitimacy as the custodian of Nigeria’s electoral process. Here is a non-exhaustive list of demands that must accompany his confirmation to restore at least minimal credibility.
Mandatory production of authenticated academic transcripts and certificates from Kwara State Polytechnic and University of Jos, including admission letters, course outlines and grades.
Independent verification from Kwara Poly and UNIJOS (registrars, academic boards) confirming the timelines, mode of entry and whether any exemptions or acceleration were granted.
Submission of primary and secondary school records to validate the early schooling that would make the age-to-polytechnic timing plausible.
Senate should demand a public hearing during confirmation, where Amupitan is cross-examined on discrepancies by educational experts, civil society and legal practitioners.
Judicial or statutory probe, perhaps by the National Assembly’s anti-fraud agencies, on the authenticity of his credentials before he assumes sovereign authority over Nigeria’s elections.
Amendments to the electoral law to mandate full public disclosure of academic credentials for all holders of high public office (especially the head of INEC) and automatic disqualification if material discrepancies are found.
Civil society oversight, including legal “fact-check panels” empowered to audit in real time any misrepresentations by public office holders.
Unless these steps are enforced, Amupitan’s tenure will begin under a cloud of legitimacy; a fatal handicap for an agency whose entire mandate rests on trust.
VI. Why This Matters: The STAKES Are Too HIGH.
This is not about taking cheap swipes at an individual; it is about national integrity. INEC is Nigeria’s electoral umpire, the guardian of free and fair elections. If its leader is himself mired in alleged misrepresentations, then every result, every polling unit, every count becomes suspect.
The presumption of innocence is not the same as public complacency. In matters of public trust, transparency is the only immunity. By refusing or failing to clarify these serious gaps, Amupitan and those who packaged his nomination risk dragging the electoral commission into the same contagion of public cynicism that dogged past presidencies and APC’s anomalies.
As Wole Soyinka once quipped, “Truth is the first casualty of politics.” But truth, once buried, morphs into rot. Nigeria cannot afford that decay in its most sacred institutions.
When you place the commander of your electoral army under such suspicion before a single general election takes place, your democracy enters the battlefield already wounded.
Let this be a warning to all; No public office is immune from scrutiny. If Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan claims legitimacy, let him first prove it (in raw, verifiable documents) before presiding over the destiny of Nigeria’s votes.
Waves of Innovation: How First Bank turned Lagos into Africa’s Electric Playground
By Kazeem Ugbodaga
The Lagos Lagoon glistened in shades of blue and gold as electric powerboats sliced through the water, cheered on by an ecstatic crowd that lined Victoria Island’s waterfront from Saturday, 3 October to Sunday, 5 October. For two unforgettable days, Lagos became Africa’s capital of clean energy, glamour, and innovation, all powered by First Bank of Nigeria, the sponsor of the continent’s first-ever E1 Lagos Grand Prix.
From the rhythmic sounds of Afrobeats echoing across the Marina to the sight of sleek, futuristic boats gliding silently on water, the E1 Lagos GP was more than a race, it was a celebration of Lagos’ vibrant spirit and Nigeria’s march towards sustainability.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in a goodwill message, hailed the event as a bold statement of intent by Nigeria and Lagos, praising Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, First Bank, and other partners for delivering a world-class spectacle.
“The E1 Powerboat series combines world-class entertainment with clean energy innovation. This championship is not just a thrilling spectacle on water but a commitment to a greener and more sustainable future,” the president had said at the opening ceremony of the great event on Friday, 3 October.
He described Lagos as “a gateway to innovation, technology, and global sporting excellence,” affirming the nation’s readiness to lead Africa’s transition to clean energy.
Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who led the regatta that opened the event, described the championship as a proud moment for Lagos and a reflection of its global potential.
“E1 Lagos GP is more than a race; it is a celebration of Lagos’ dynamism, the Spirit of Lagos,” the governor said, adding that “It shows our capacity to host world-class events and underscores our commitment to sustainability.”
Crowds thronged the Lagos Lagoon and fan zones, having fun, snapping selfies, and soaking in the festive atmosphere. International sports icons, investors, and fans came from across the world, including former Chelsea and Ivory Coast football legend Didier Drogba, co-owner of Team Drogba Global Africa, who added a touch of celebrity magic to the weekend.
For First Bank of Nigeria, the event was not just about sports, it was about making history. Acting Group Head of Marketing and Corporate Communications, Olayinka Ijabiyi, said sponsoring the E1 Lagos GP reflected the bank’s heritage of innovation and renewal.
“Innovation, sustainability, excitement, speed, we are a heritage bank that has been around for 131 years, and for every one of those years, we have constantly renewed ourselves,” Ijabiyi said, saying that “When this opportunity came, who else could bring the first E1 GP to Nigeria but First Bank? We are proud to have presented Lagos and Nigeria to the world.”
At the First Bank Pavilion, visitors enjoyed interactive experiences, lifestyle engagements, and product showcases, while music, fashion, and food added a distinctly Lagos flavour. Families and young professionals mingled with entrepreneurs, all celebrating a fusion of technology, culture, and sustainability, hallmarks of the bank’s brand identity.
“This race is a net-zero emitter,” Ijabiyi added. “We are strong on sustaining the environment and supporting a cleaner, greener future. It’s innovation meeting responsibility.”
The E1 partnership also connects with the bank’s #FirstBankDecemberIssaVybe series, an annual celebration of entertainment and lifestyle that lights up Nigeria’s festive season. “December is the Vybe,” Ijabiyi teased. “This is just a taste of what’s to come-fun, fashion, food, and amazing experiences.”
The finale on Sunday was nothing short of electrifying as Team Brazil claimed victory, with pilots Timmy Hansen and Leva Millere-Hagin steering their electric boat to glory, beating Team Blue Rising and Team Drogba to the podium.
As the sun set over the Lagoon, the waterfront transformed into a sea of lights and cheers, a moment that captured the heart of Lagos: energetic, ambitious, and always ready to lead.
With its sponsorship of the E1 Lagos Grand Prix, First Bank once again proved that it is more than a financial institution, it is a lifestyle brand championing innovation, sustainability, and national pride.
In the words of Latoya Johnson, a Lagosian who attended the event: “I grew up knowing First Bank as the reliable one. Seeing them behind something this big makes me proud. They’re not just banking our money, they’re banking our future.”
From clean energy to cultural celebration, from racing boats to smiling faces, the E1 Lagos GP was a powerful reminder that when innovation meets tradition, the result is pure magic.
society
History Is Knocking: Memory as Weapon; Will Nigeria Lift the Shield or March Blind into Repetition?
History Is Knocking: Memory as Weapon; Will Nigeria Lift the Shield or March Blind into Repetition?
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
“REMEMBER or REPEAT; Nigeria’s future depends on whether we choose MEMORY over AMNESIA.”
Nigeria lives in the long shadow of its past. The country that emerged on October 1, 1960 (radiant with promise, vast in diversity and rich in human and natural resources) has been repeatedly battered by choices made in the present that forget the LESSONS of HISTORY. To treat history as a dusty archive is to hand the future to forces that thrive on collective amnesia. Corruption, impunity, ethnic manipulation and policy myopia. If memory is indeed a weapon, Nigeria’s survival depends on whether its citizens and leaders are brave enough to wield it. {Independence – Oct 1, 1960; sources on Nigeria’s founding and constitutional arc.}
We must first admit a simple fact, MEMORY is POLITICAL. Who remembers and how we remember shapes power. Chinua Achebe’s blunt admonition remains essential: “Until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.” That line is not mere literary flourish (it is a diagnosis. When state narratives elevate rulers and erase victims, justice withers and policy becomes propaganda. The Nigerian story has repeatedly seen official versions triumph over inconvenient truths, coups sanitised as necessary correctives; economic mismanagement repackaged as temporary sacrifice; violence rationalised as inevitable. Reclaiming national memory means restoring the histories of those sidelined) the poor farmer whose land was drained by a policy he never consented to, the activists whose warnings were ignored, the communities displaced by avoidable violence.
Concrete reminders of what happens when memory is abandoned are stark. The Nigerian Civil War -1967/1970- (a human catastrophe that cost hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, of lives) was not simply a regional conflict but a national wound born of ethnic fear, political exclusion and resource competition. Its lessons (the cruelty of blockades; the human cost of political exclusion; the fragility of a federation without trust) must be institutionalized (memorials, properly funded history curricula, and truth-telling commissions) lest the CYCLE REPEAT. The facts are not negotiable, the war’s dates and the scale of the suffering remain foundational to any honest national narrative.
Similarly, the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election (a moment that exposed the rot of military patronage and elite collusion) should be taught, commemorated and used as a political touchstone. The denial of that mandate left a generational scar on civic trust that still influences political behaviour. Commemoration is not mere ritual; it is a political act that says to society that WE REMEMBER INJUSTICE and we will not let it be normalized.
The cost of forgetting is measurable. Recent independent assessments show Nigeria wrestling with alarming socio-economic indicators and poverty levels that remain staggeringly high and a public sector reputation stained by pervasive corruption. The World Bank has documented deep and growing numbers of people pushed into poverty in the last decade; Transparency International places Nigeria low on its Corruption Perceptions Index, indicating that impunity remains a major structural problem. When governance is short-term and amnesic (leaders failing to heed past policy failures) outcomes weaken and ordinary citizens pay with hunger, displacement and lost opportunity. These are not abstract metrics; they are human lives.
Memory must therefore be institutional, not episodic. Plaques and occasional speeches are insufficient. Real memory requires three pillars: TRUTHFUL EDUCATION, TRANSPARENT ARCHIVES and CIVIC RITUALS that bind people across ethnicity and region. Our schools must teach the hard chapters honestly and not only triumphs but THE BETRAYALS, THE CORRUPTION SCANDALS, THE PROTEST MOVEMENTS and THE POLICY MISTAKES. National archives must be accessible; public records preserved and digitized; commissions set up to investigate and publish findings on major national failures. Finally, CIVIC RITUALS (memorial days, inclusive commemorations of struggle, and public dialogue) will stitch individual memory into national consciousness. Without these pillars, memory remains a private act rather than a public defence. (On curriculum and archival reform: see international best practice and calls from civil-society scholars.)
Of course, memory alone is not a magic cure. It is useful only insofar as it leads to accountability and reform. Remembering the Civil War without addressing the economic and political grievances that fuelled it is a hollow exercise. Honouring June 12 without institutional safeguards for electoral integrity is symbolic theatre. Therefore, memory must feed mechanisms of justice: judicial independence, anti-corruption agencies that work, robust investigative journalism and empowered parliaments that exercise meaningful oversight. Where memory prompts policy changes (land reform, fiscal transparency, inclusive governance) it becomes a true weapon of collective defence.
Voices from Nigeria’s intellectual tradition demand no less. Wole Soyinka has repeatedly insisted that nations must “CONFRONT HISTORY HONESTLY”, a call that is both MORAL and STRATEGIC. Honest confrontation means naming perpetrators, acknowledging errors and creating institutional constraints that prevent recurrence. It also means cultivating a civic culture where criticism is not criminalized but welcomed as necessary oxygen for democracy. These are not soft ideals; they are practical steps proven in democracies that have moved from trauma to stability.
There is also resistance. ELITES BENEFIT WHEN THE PAST IS BLURRED. For them, selective memory is a shield. They confect myths of inevitability (that corruption is the price of unity, that emergency decrees are love letters to stability) hoping citizens will forget the alternatives. Combatting this requires an active civil society and media that refuse co-option. Independent journalism, civic education programs and grassroots truth-telling gatherings must be supported. Funding channels that promote investigative reporting and community-based history projects are investments that pay dividends in accountability. Recent reporting and investigations have already exposed the consequences of policy amnesia; food crises compounded by poor planning, infrastructure projects announced without follow-through, fiscal policies that punish the poor. These reports must be amplified, protected and acted upon.
Finally, memory is a democratic practice. It invites ordinary citizens into the national conversation and makes them custodians of truth. The young, who form a majority of Nigeria’s population, must be handed accessible narratives; not SACCHARINE PATRIOTISM, but GRITTY STORIES of how institutions failed and how citizens fought back. When young people inherit a robust, critical memory, they will be less likely to accept cynical elites and easier to mobilize for honest reform. When elders pass down TRUTHFUL, PLURALISTIC HISTORIES rather than PAROCHIAL MYTHS, the nation’s shield grows stronger.
History is knocking. Will Nigeria lift the shield or continue marching blind into repetition? The answer depends on whether we choose to remember with courage and act with conviction. Memory without action is nostalgia; action without memory is recklessness (together and through honest education, open archives, public commemoration and accountable institutions) Nigeria can turn memory into a lasting defence. The choice is ours. If we embrace it, the next generation may finally inherit more than rhetoric: a nation that remembers, reforms and rises.
– George Omagbemi Sylvester
AASU Honours Dr. Saheed Mosadoluwa as Beacon of Hope for Africa’s Development
It was a moment of pride, recognition, and inspiration in Lagos on Thursday, 9th October 2025, as the All-Africa Students’ Union (AASU) honoured Hon. (Dr.) Saheed Mosadoluwa Audullahi, the Chairman and CEO of Harmony Gardens and Estate Development Limited, with the 2025 Africa Leadership Award.
The colourful investiture ceremony, themed “Reawakening Our Consciousness as Africa’s Next Generation,” was held on Friday, 26th September, 2025, at a high-profile event in Lagos, Nigeria. Mr Ibile was however not available to attend the programme but the team visited his office on Thursday for the official conferment and presentation of the AASU ALL OF FAME AWARD.
The leadership of AASU described Dr. Mosadoluwa, fondly known as Mr. Ibile, as a “Beacon of Hope for Africa’s Development”. AASU ALL OF FAME AWARD, applauding his unwavering commitment to nation-building, youth empowerment, and human capacity development across the continent.
In a solidarity address delivered by the leadership of AASU, the Union extolled the Harmony Gardens CEO as “an apostle of positive change and an iconic leader per excellence who continues to stand tall among his peers.”
“We are gathered here to celebrate a true patriot of this great continent who has impacted positively on our generation. Dr. Saheed Mosadoluwa is not just a successful entrepreneur; he is a mentor, a nation-builder, and a champion of educational growth and youth empowerment,” the Union noted.
The AASU delegation emphasized that the honour was in recognition of Dr. Mosadoluwa’s contribution to the development of education, infrastructure, and leadership within Africa, ideals that align with the Union’s mission since its establishment in 1972.
According to the Union, “Our organization exists to drive growth in education and health across Africa through strategic developmental programmes. Leaders like Dr. Mosadoluwa embody the vision of a progressive Africa where youth are empowered and equipped to take charge of the future.”
The statement further charged African governments and private institutions to emulate Dr. Mosadoluwa’s leadership model, describing him as “a man who understands and embodies the core values and aspirations of the youth.”
Dr. Saheed Mosadoluwa, who has consistently championed community development through his company Harmony Gardens and Estate Development Ltd, continues to receive accolades both locally and internationally for his humanitarian efforts and entrepreneurial excellence.
The event ended with a resounding ovation, as delegates, students, and guests hailed the real estate mogul as a symbol of integrity, hope, and transformational leadership for Africa’s next generation.
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