society
NDUME’S TRUTH, ASO ROCK’S SILENCE
NDUME’S TRUTH, ASO ROCK’S SILENCE.
George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
“When Silence Becomes Complicity: Senator Ndume Exposes Corruption and Incompetence at the Heart of Aso Rock”
Two days ago, a veteran senator, Ali Ndume, tore off the veneer of polite politics on national television and laid bare what many Nigerians already know; yet fear to say. Speaking on Arise TV, Ndume accused the Bola Ahmed Tinubu‑led administration of corruption so brazen that even the hallowed walls of the Aso Rock Presidential Villa remain silent. By now, the silence from the presidency isn’t simply deafening, it has become a sign of tacit complicity.
Senator Ndume did not mince words. He asserted that the Tinubu regime is dominated by “KAKISTOCRATS” (meaning those least qualified to hold office) and “KLEPTOCRATS” (meaning thieves masquerading as leaders). These are not rhetorical barbs but issues of survival: “The people who are supposed to help him are the ones deceiving him or damaging his image,” he warned.
More damning still, Ndume says that even accessing the President is blocked by a crude question: “owo da?” (“Where is money?”) — in other words, “What payoff are you bringing?” He says this is the experience of everyone wanting a meeting with the presidency. Pending no refutation from Aso Rock, the claim stands.
The presidency’s silence is no accident. It is calculated. Because if the Presidency were to respond with rebuttal or justification, then the matter would enter the arena of accountability. Silence, by contrast, suggests one of two things: either the presidency lacks confidence in its own position, or it actually agrees (just without saying so). In either scenario, Nigerians lose.
The Reality of Governance Under Tinubu. Let us take stock. This is a regime in which:
A minister removed for corruption walks free; supporters call for her recall rather than prosecution.
A minister is observed driving a Rolls‑Royce, replies “and so?” when asked; yet claims to have never worked his entire life.
Land allocation receipts fly left, right, front and centre to children, cronies, family members. The minister defends them.
Million‑dollar houses in the United States tied to sitting ministers? Allegations exist. And on the Nigerian side, the presidency and the anti‑graft agencies like Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) act like ostriches: see no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil.
Meanwhile, the citizenry struggles under groaning economic hardship, soaring inflation, a faltering currency, indefinite power outages, insecurity unchecked and the sense that state resources vanish into private pockets.
These are not fanciful stories. The facts, in many cases, are public. One study by Chatham House shows that Nigeria still ranks among the top 40 most corrupt countries globally and counts among the lowest performing in governance indices.
As one scholar put it: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” That failure becomes grotesque when state institutions meant to enforce transparency are rendered toothless by the very regime they are supposed to police. Prof. John Oyedepo of the University of Lagos notes: “Governance without accountability is not governance; it is legalized robbery.”
Why Ndume’s Accusations Matter. Why do these allegations from a senator of the ruling party matter? Because it signals that the rot is not external but internal. When a loyalist stands up, when a Senate leader turns whistle‑blower, the crisis is deeper than opposition bravado, it is a systemic collapse.
Ndume’s charge that the government is run by “KAKISTOCRATS and KLEPTOCRATS” is not mere hyperbole. He defined the two: kakistocrats are “people holding positions they are not supposed to be in”; kleptocrats are “those in politics for personal gain, not public service.”
And he explained the damage in sharp terms: “The President cannot go out to the streets like I do and know how the people feel. Even outside the Villa they drive him in tinted glass so he doesn’t even see what is going on.”
This is governance by isolation, cushioned by privilege, and cushioned further by silence. When insiders begin to speak, one might hope for correction. But the silence from Aso Rock has been total. It is not just negligence; it is abdication of moral leadership.
The Silent President, The Loud Reality. The contrast is stark: the presidency enjoys pomp, ceremony, tinted limousines, and global photo‑ops — yet at home, the people suffer. The gap between public image and private record has never been greater.
Government supporters rush to defend with excuses. The All Progressives Congress (APC) Youth Network responded to Ndume’s previous comments by calling them “misleading”, “reckless”, and “unbecoming of a ranking legislator.” But defence does not equate to performance. And signals of crisis remain.
Anti‑graft agencies boast of recoveries; the EFCC claimed it recovered nearly half a billion dollars in one year, according to SaharaWeeklyNG.com. But even that pales when stripped against the scale of the problem. Recoveries are reactive; prevention would require structural reform; which remains absent. Dr. Akin Oyebode, a governance analyst, adds: “The issue is not just theft, it is normalization of theft in governance. That is the real danger.”
A Call to Recognition, Not Defeatism. Let us be clear: pointing out corruption, incompetence, and patronage is not defeatism; it is news, it is accountability, it is citizenship.
As Dr Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala remarked years ago: “People have lost faith. They don’t believe anyone can serve their country”. When those within the regime echo that sentiment, the rupture between the people and the powerful becomes undeniable.
We must demand of the presidency: respond. We must demand of the anti‑graft agencies: act. We must demand that governance be more than display, more than cameras, more than slogans of fiscal reform, it must translate into integrity, transparency, responsibility, service.
The silence of Aso Rock is a vacuum. Into that vacuum seep cronyism, entitlement and theft. It is not enough for the president to say, “Be patient.” Patience has limits when citizens watch national coffers bleed and personal fortunes blossom. Prof. Chukwuemeka Eze notes, “Corruption thrives in silence. Confronting it requires courage, even from those within the system.”
The Take Away and The Road Forward. Senator Ndume’s words ring with conviction because they reflect lived experience and structural breakdown. The pharmaceutical term for this: when help is expected from institutions, but the institutions themselves have become carriers of the disease.
The presidency’s failure (or refusal) to respond is neither trivial nor temporary. It reveals dysfunction at the core of state leadership. The crisis is not only that some individuals are corrupt; the crisis is that the system accommodates them, protects them, remains inert.
This moment will not be measured by the allegations alone. It will be measured by response; by whether the presidency and its proxies choose silence and shield, or accountability and reform. The people of Nigeria deserve an administration that listens, not one that ignores; one that sees, not one that is driven past in tinted glass. They deserve leaders of competence and character; not the least suitable or the most brazen thieves cloaked in power.
Senator Ndume spoke. The question now is: who will answer?
Prince Olurebi’s Foundation Brings Joy to Sango Ota with free Eye glasses, School Support
A non-Governmental organization, Olurebi Foundation, on Wednesday, provided eye screening and free eye glasses for over 500 beneficiaries in Sango Ota, Ado Odo Local Government Area of Ogun State.
In an interview with journalists during the program, a chief and community leader at Ago Gbagura, Hon. Olatunji Abiola Isiaq, stated that Sango Ota generally has been lacking many social amenities because of a lack of leaders. He emphasized the influx of people to the area and that many are not benefiting due to the state of the economy of the country as well as the low standard of living.
“People are having issues with health, and our research revealed that many people are suffering from eye problems, and people spoke with the Prince Olurebi Empowerment Foundation, and they agreed to come and alleviate the suffering of the people in terms of eye problems. This is what brought these free eye glasses. Not only this, we did at Olota of Ota Palace on Nov 1. We are doing Sango here today, and we are going to do more by the grace of God come June 2026.”
He also disclosed that the foundation has distributed free exercise books to four schools in the community and refurbished one of the school’s boreholes when the Headmistress called their attention to it. “OD school 1, LG school 1, 2, 3, 4, and when the Headmistress complained about the non-functioning borehole, we refurbished it, and the pupils are now enjoying portable drinking water.”
Chief Isiaq, who commended the promoter of the foundation, stated that Prince Olurebi is a PhD holder in Entrepreneurship development and a son of the soil, who schooled in Sango Ota and has been in Manchester for the past 30 years and has been contributing to the growth and development of the community and the welfare of the residents where he was born.
“He was installed as Asiwaju of Egba Society in Manchester in 2012 by our revered Alake of Egbaland. He has been a philanthropist of note for a long time.”
In their summation, four of the beneficiaries – Bello Yusuf, Adebanke Kareem, J.O. Sanni, and Olori Mofuliat Olurebi – commended the organizers for the health initiatives, which have given them the opportunity to check their health status and get free eye glasses. They thanked and prayed for the promoter of the foundation that God will grant him all his heart’s desires.
DR. JOHN UKPE MEETS HON. DEJI OPARINDE TO DISCUSS AGN CHAPTER IN OYO STATE.
Ibadan, Oyo State – In a bid to strengthen the Actors Guild of Nigeria (AGN) presence in Oyo State, Dr. John Ukpe, Aspirant National Secretary of AGN, has met with Hon. Deji Oparinde, a Nigerian politician representing Afijio State Constituency in the Oyo State House of Assembly.
The meeting, which took place at Hon. Deji Oparinde’s office, was a productive discussion on the potential benefits of having an AGN chapter in Oyo State. Hon. Deji Oparinde expressed his enthusiasm about Dr. John Ukpe’s vision to establish an AGN chapter in the state, describing him as a person with great prospects, ambition, and plans to benefit the association.
“I am excited to meet Dr. John Ukpe and discuss his plans to establish an AGN chapter in Oyo State. He has a wealth of experience and a clear vision for the development of the film industry in our state,” Hon. Deji Oparinde said.
Hon. Deji Oparinde also commended the Governor of Oyo State for his attention to culture and tourism, noting that the state had hosted the first International Conference on Culture and Tourism. He expressed his confidence that Dr. John Ukpe would win the AGN national secretary election and bring opportunities to Oyo State, including job creation, internal revenue generation, and promoting the state’s image locally and globally through film production.
“I have no doubt that Dr. John Ukpe will win the election and bring many benefits to Oyo State. He also promised that the governor himself will be willing to support the guild. In his closing remarks he said, “We are ready to support him and work together to establish a strong AGN chapter in our state,” Hon. Deji Oparinde stated.
Dr. John Ukpe’s visit is part of his efforts to strengthen the AGN’s presence in Oyo State and promote the interests of actors and the film industry in the state. He is seeking the support of stakeholders in Oyo State to achieve his vision and make the state a hub for film production in Nigeria.
Dr. John Ukpe also informed the incoming Vice president south west that the job has been easier and he will give his number of the honourable out when they come into office. The honourable also promised that the governor will be willing to support the guild
The meeting was a significant step towards establishing a strong AGN chapter in Oyo State, and stakeholders are eagerly awaiting the outcome of Dr. John Ukpe’s candidacy.
Sambisa Bloodletting: When Boko Haram Turned Its Guns on ISWAP.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
“The Deadly Turf War That Shakes the Lake Chad Basin.”
A new and grisly chapter has opened in Nigeria’s long-running insurgency; once bitter rivals in name only, Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) have for months been fighting not merely for recruits or haulage routes, but for outright territorial control. The latest and most savage manifestation of that internecine war erupted in and around Sambisa and the islands of the Lake Chad corridor, a cascade of assaults that left scores dead, dozens of boats seized and whole communities re-traumatised. Initial field accounts and media investigations put the toll at roughly two hundred militants killed in clashes over the weekend, with Boko Haram reported to have overrun several ISWAP camps and seized key naval assets.
That figure (horrific even in a conflict long accustomed to horror) must be read in context. The Lake Chad Basin has been a theatre of not only cross-border criminality and smuggling, but also of militant adaptation: riverine skirmishes, sudden amphibious raids and the seasonal ebb and flow of civilians and fighters. For years ISWAP and what remains of Boko Haram’s Shekau-loyal factions have alternated between cooperation, coexistence and murderous rivalry. The latest operations, however, were not mere hit-and-run attacks; they were coordinated attempts to seize island strongholds that generate revenue (through fishing taxes and illicit trade) and provide safe havens from military strikes.
Why this flare-up now matters (and why it should alarm us) boils down to three brutal facts. First, when jihadi factions fight each other, civilians pay the price: reprisals, forced displacements and collective punishments typically follow. Second, the victor in a factional fight can absorb weapons, boats and fighters; materially strengthening itself for renewed attacks on towns, garrisons and humanitarian convoys. Third, infighting makes conflict dynamics less predictable and therefore harder for security forces and relief agencies to plan for or to counter. For communities around Sambisa and the Lake Chad islands, the immediate consequence is the collapse of whatever fragile protection existed and a fresh round of displacement and hunger.
UNIDIR → Building a more secure world.
On the ground, the fighting reportedly featured dozens of motorised canoes and heavily armed gunmen which is a reminder that the Lake Chad is no backwater but a strategic corridor. Reports say Boko Haram fighters swept across several ISWAP-held islands, capturing boats and weaponry and inflicting heavy casualties on ISWAP personnel. Local vigilante sources and intelligence leaks described scenes of charred camps and the frantic flight of surviving fighters toward mainland villages. If confirmed, the seizure of riverine assets is strategically significant: control of boats equals control of movement, supplies, taxation points and crucially, escape routes.
Scholars and analysts who have followed the jihadist evolution in north-east Nigeria warn that this is not a mere squabble among thugs; it is the latest phase of a long adaptive conflict. Vincent Foucher, a leading researcher on the Lake Chad jihadist landscape, captures the larger truth: “jihad in the Lake Chad Basin is here to stay.” The line is blunt, but the point is stark; these factions are resilient, they learn from one another and they exploit gaps in state capacity to regenerate. That resilience helps explain why gains against one group are often temporary and why civilian recovery remains painfully fragile.
A tactical victory for Boko Haram in Sambisa (if sustained) raises grave long-term risks. Where one faction consolidates, it does not merely defend borders: it governs, taxes and recruits. It also acquires the spoils of war, captured materiel and the bargaining chips of prisoners and local informants. ISWAP, by contrast, has built an internationalised technical edge in recent years, claiming sophisticated propaganda, reportedly better coordination with transnational ISIS networks and more disciplined battlefield practices. The competition between a predatory, territorially assertive Boko Haram and a bureaucratised, outward-looking ISWAP is not abstract: it shapes attack profiles, civilian targeting and the geography of violence.
What should the Nigerian state and regional partners do? First, stabilisation requires not only kinetic pressure but also rapid civilian protection and humanitarian access. Too often, military wins are undone by the absence of safe returns, reconstruction and meaningful local security arrangements. Second, the region needs sharper, coordinated intelligence (maritime and riverine surveillance in particular) to prevent future seizures of boats and to protect displaced fishing communities. Third, long-term deradicalisation and socio-economic investment in affected communities remain essential; without economic alternatives and credible local governance, the vacuum will be filled again. These are not novel prescriptions, but the Sambisa incidents make them urgent once more.
There is a cautionary counterpoint, too: factional fighting does not automatically benefit the state. When insurgents bleed each other, they can also become more ruthless or more opportunistic; consolidating areas where they can operate freely, or launching terror attacks to signal continued potency. The 2016 schism that birthed ISWAP taught analysts that fragmentation can produce new, more adaptive organisations rather than a longed-for weakening. That lesson is especially important for policymakers tempted to celebrate intra-militant carnage as a win.
For the ordinary people of Sambisa and the Lake Chad littoral, the technical arguments about strategy are cold comfort. Families who returned to their farms after government assurances now find themselves running again; fishermen who paid protection to one group discover their boats confiscated by another. Humanitarian agencies warn that renewed violence will reverse months of fragile progress: food stocks will run low, clinics will close and education (already the first casualty of this insurgency) will be postponed indefinitely. The indirect death toll from hunger, disease and interrupted health care will be the slow, shameful shadow of this weekend’s headlines.
Finally, the Sambisa clashes are a reminder that Nigeria’s security challenge is not merely military but political. Long-term peace will not be won by force alone. It requires the restoration of state legitimacy, accountable local governance, economic opportunity and regional cooperation across Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroon. Until those building blocks are in place, the islands of Lake Chad will remain prize and prey in equal measure and Sambisa will keep teaching the same brutal lesson: in a failed security market, violence simply repackages itself. As Vincent Foucher warns, the jihadist presence here is unlikely to vanish quietly; the only question is whether a savage contest for spoils will give way to yet another calibrated threat to civilians and statehood.
—
Reported and written by George Omagbemi Sylvester for SaharaWeeklyNG.com
-
Politics5 months agoNigeria Is Not His Estate: Wike’s 2,000‑Hectare Scandal Must Shake Us Awake
-
society6 months agoOGUN INVESTS OVER ₦2.25 BILLION TO BOOST AQUACULTURE
-
celebrity radar - gossips6 months agoFrom ₦200 to ₦2 Million: Davido’s Barber Reveals Jaw-Dropping Haircut Fee
-
society5 months agoJUSTICE DENIED: HOW JESAM MICHAEL’S KINDNESS WAS TURNED AGAINST HIM