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All You need to Know about Sierra-Leone newly sworn-in President, Julius Madaa Bio

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On Wednesday, 4th of April, 2018, the country of Sierra-Leone witnessed a change in power when Former Military leader, Juliun Madaa assumed office as the President of the country.

Representing the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), Bio won 51.81 per cent of votes cast in the March 31 poll, according to results announced by the National Electoral Commission (NEC) on Wednesday.

He defeated former foreign affairs minister and ruling All People’s Congress (APC) candidate Samura Kamara, who had held a slight lead based on partial results earlier in the day but in the end garnered 48.19 per cent.

Sahara weekly with it’s inquisitive quality did a background check up on the new President and found some information you all need to know

HIS BACKGROUND

Julius Maada Bio was born on 12 May 1964, in Tihun, a village in the Sogbini Chiefdom, Bonthe District, just outside the main commercial town of Mattru Jong, in the Southern Province of Sierra Leone. Bio is the 33 of 35 children born to Sherbro Paramount Chief Charlie Bio II of Sogbini Chiefdom. Bio’s father had nine wives. Bio is named after his paternal grandfather, who was also a paramount chief of Sogbini Chiefdom. Bio is an ethnic Sherbro and a practicing Roman Catholic.[5]

Bio began his primary education at the Roman Catholic Primary School in Tihun, Bonthe District. After finishing his early years in primary school, Bio was sent to the town of Pujehun to live with his older sister Agnes, who was a primary school teacher in Pujehun. Bio completed his primary education at the Holy Family Primary School in Pujehun. At the completion of his primary education, Bio’s older sister, Agnes, enrolled him at the Bo Government Secondary School in Bo (commonly known as Bo School), a prominent boarding school. Bio spent seven years at Bo School, rising to become school Prefect. Bio graduated from Bo School in 1984 with A-level at age 20.[5]

Political career

Bio officially became a member of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) in 2005. That same year, Bio sought the leadership of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) at its national convention in Makeni on 3 to 4 September 2005; he took third place, with 33 votes, behind Vice President Solomon Berewa, who received 291 votes, and Charles Margai, who won 34 votes. J.B. Dauda polled 28 votes.[8]

On the night of 31 July 2011, Julius Maada Bio won the election to become the SLPP’s 2012 presidential candidate at the SLPP convention, which was held at the Youyi Building in the heart of Freetown. In the national election, he faced off with President Ernest Bai Koroma of the ruling APC and was defeated, winning 37% of the vote, but established the SLPP as the only viable opposition party in Sierra Leone.[9]

Julius Maada Bio was elected President of Sierra Leone in a run-off election held 31 March 2018. He scored 51.8 percent of the votes according to official results from Sierra Leone’s National Elections Commission. He succeeded Ernest Bai Koroma of the APC who had been President since 2007.

Personal life

Maada Bio is an ethnic Sherbro and a practicing Roman Catholic Christian. Bio’s wife, Fatima Bio is a practicing Muslim and a Gambian national, though she grew up in Kono Districtin Sierra Leone; and her mother was born in Kono District, Sierra Leone and her father is a Gambian native. Bio and Fatima were married in 2013 in London in an interfaith wedding ceremony that was held in a Church and a Mosque prayer services in London. The couple have one child together that was born in London. Bio has three children, all three born in the United States from a previous marriage

 

Participation in 1992 military coup

On April 29, 1992, Bio was one of a group of young Sierra Leonean soldiers including Captain Valentine Strasser, Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, Lieutenant Solomon Musa, Lieutenant Tom Nyuma and Captain Komba Mondeh that toppled president Joseph Saidu Momohs All People’s Congress (APC) government in a bloodless military coup. The young soldiers formed the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) with Strasser as their leader and Head of State of Sierra Leone.[5]

Bio’s first appointment following the formation of the NPRC was as the Secretary of State South, stationed in the country’s second capital Bo. He was later moved to Freetown to serve as Secretary of State in charge of Information and Broadcasting. At this point, he was promoted to Captain alongside other junior lieutenants. As a leading member of the coup that kicked out the APC government, Bio served as Supreme Council of State member throughout the NPRC’s stay in power and when Strasser’s deputy, captain S.A.J. Musa, was sacked and exiled to the UK, Bio was appointed to the position of Deputy Chairman of the NPRC.[5]

1996 military coupOn January 16, 1996, Bio led a military coup, ousting Captain Valentine Strasser, following a dispute within the governing Supreme Council of State (SCS) over whether to seek peace with the RUF before multi-party elections, planned for March 1996, or go ahead with the election notwithstanding the ongoing war in the country, and the conditions for participation (or disqualification) of junta members in the elections. The coup was backed by many high ranking NPRC soldiers including Colonel Tom Nyuma, Lieutenant Colonel Komba Mondeh, Lieutenant Colonel Reginald Glover, Lieutenant Colonel Idriss Kamara, and Lieutenant Colonel Karefa-Kargbo. Captain Valentine Strasser then the leader of the NPRC and the military Head of State of Sierra Leone was handcuffed at gunpoint by his own military bodyguards who were supposed to protect him and was immediately flown into exile in a military helicopter to Conakry, in neighboring Guinea.[6]

After the military

After retiring from the military in 1996, Bio moved to the United States, where he earned a Masters Degree in International Affairs from American University in Washington, DC. He also served as the president of International Systems Science Corporation, a consulting and investment management firm based in the United States.[7]

 

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The Truth Unveiled: U.S. Court Orders Release of Tinubu’s Drug Files—A National Shame Nigeria Can No Longer Ignore By George Omagbemi Sylvester

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The Truth Unveiled: U.S. Court Orders Release of Tinubu’s Drug Files—A National Shame Nigeria Can No Longer Ignore By George Omagbemi Sylvester

The Truth Unveiled: U.S. Court Orders Release of Tinubu’s Drug Files—A National Shame Nigeria Can No Longer Ignore

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

In a move that sent shockwaves across the Nigerian political landscape and beyond, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia has ordered the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) to release long-withheld documents pertaining to a federal investigation into Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria’s sitting president. The files, which date back to the early 1990s, allegedly tie Tinubu to a narcotics trafficking operation and a subsequent forfeiture of $460,000 to the U.S. government.

The presiding judge, Beryl Howell, delivered a decisive blow to attempts to keep these records concealed. In a ruling made public on Tuesday, Howell declared that “protecting the information from public disclosure is neither logical nor plausible.” These words not only dismantle the legal shield around Tinubu’s past but also ignite fresh concerns about the moral compass and integrity of Nigeria’s highest office.

The Truth Unveiled: U.S. Court Orders Release of Tinubu’s Drug Files—A National Shame Nigeria Can No Longer Ignore
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

The Damning 1993 Forfeiture
To understand the gravity of this revelation, one must revisit the dark corridors of 1993 Chicago, where Tinubu, then a rising political figure with financial interests in the United States, came under the radar of American law enforcement. According to U.S. court documents, authorities traced large sums of money in bank accounts linked to Tinubu and his associates to proceeds from heroin trafficking. In what legal experts term a “civil forfeiture,” Tinubu opted to forfeit $460,000 rather than challenge the U.S. government’s assertion that the funds were drug-related.

While forfeiture does not equate to a criminal conviction, it represents a significant concession; one which would have irreversibly tarnished the political future of any public official in a law-abiding democracy. Yet in Nigeria, the matter was swept under the rug, buried beneath layers of political propaganda and institutional complicity.

A Judiciary That Still Works
Judge Howell’s courageous decision reflects the enduring strength of the American judiciary; a system where accountability is not subservient to political power. The ruling is a direct rebuke to those who believe political status should shield individuals from the consequences of their past.

“Public interest in the integrity of foreign heads of state is too great to be silenced by bureaucratic inertia,” Howell added, a statement that should resonate deeply with Nigerians who have long been denied transparency and justice.

In sharp contrast, Nigeria’s own judiciary has repeatedly failed to uphold the principle of probity when it comes to high-ranking officials. A nation where electoral cases are often decided in favor of the powerful; regardless of overwhelming public sentiment; should take a long, hard look at the mirror America is now holding up.

A Nation Held Hostage by Its Leaders
The implications of this court order are profound. They raise questions not only about Tinubu’s moral fitness to lead but also about the collective conscience of a nation that allowed such a man to rise to the presidency.

“Nigeria is not short of capable leaders; it is short of honest ones,” said former President Olusegun Obasanjo in a 2019 interview. Though not directed at Tinubu specifically, the words feel chillingly appropriate in the current context.

How did a man linked to drug trafficking, who forfeited nearly half a million dollars to American authorities, become the Commander-in-Chief of Africa’s largest democracy? The answer lies in Nigeria’s broken institutions, compromised electoral processes, and an elite class more concerned with power than principle.

The Complicity of Silence
Perhaps more troubling than the allegations themselves is the orchestrated silence that followed them. For decades, questions surrounding Tinubu’s past were dismissed as political smears, conveniently brushed aside by allies and ignored by the mainstream media. But now that a U.S. federal court has intervened, the truth is no longer subject to partisan interpretation.

“Silence in the face of injustice is complicity,” said Wole Soyinka, Nobel Laureate and one of Nigeria’s most respected moral voices. The willful refusal of Nigerian institutions to address these allegations over the years has made them co-conspirators in the degradation of our democracy.

What This Means for Nigeria’s Democracy
This court order is not just an indictment of Tinubu; it is an indictment of Nigeria’s political culture. It exposes a leadership crisis where character is secondary to cunning, and public office is a means of self-preservation rather than public service.

As 2027 looms on the horizon, Nigerians must ask themselves hard questions: Do we want a country where integrity matters? Can we afford to keep rewarding men with questionable pasts simply because they have mastered the art of political manipulation?

“Nigerians must reclaim the republic from those who think leadership is their birthright,” thundered Governor Nyesom Wike in a 2022 rally. His statement, echoing the frustration of millions, underlines a growing hunger for change; a change that must be rooted in truth, accountability, and ethical leadership.

Global Ramifications
This scandal also risks diminishing Nigeria’s already fragile international reputation. As Africa’s most populous nation and one of its largest economies, Nigeria should be a beacon of democratic integrity. Instead, it is increasingly viewed as a kleptocracy, where corrupt elites operate with impunity.

The United States’ decision to make these documents public suggests a growing intolerance for diplomatic hypocrisy. The message is clear: the world is watching, and no amount of diplomatic immunity can shield the morally bankrupt from eventual exposure.

The Way Forward
Now that the truth is clawing its way to the surface, Nigerians must not retreat into apathy. Civil society organizations, legal institutions, and media platforms must demand full disclosure of the contents of the FBI and DEA files. The National Assembly must initiate hearings. The Nigerian Bar Association should speak out. And most importantly, the Nigerian people must not allow this moment to pass without consequence.

This is a call to action.

We must demand that President Tinubu publicly address the allegations and the forfeiture. We must insist on a transparent probe; one not led by political appointees but by a bipartisan, internationally-observed commission. Anything less would be an insult to our collective intelligence.

Final Thoughts: No More Excuses
History will remember this as a turning point; either a moment when Nigeria finally chose truth over tyranny or yet another chapter in a tragic national saga. The decision lies with us.

The time for excuses is over. As Chinua Achebe once said, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” If we are to reclaim our dignity as a people, we must start by holding our leaders to account; no matter how high the office they occupy.

Let this be the beginning of that reckoning.

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AGF Fagbemi Drafts Tinubu’s Defense as PDP Governors Drag FG to Supreme Court over Rivers Crisis

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AGF Fagbemi Drafts Tinubu’s Defense as PDP Governors Drag FG to Supreme Court over Rivers Crisis

AGF Fagbemi Drafts Tinubu’s Defense as PDP Governors Drag FG to Supreme Court over Rivers Crisis

Abuja, Nigeria — A legal storm is brewing at the apex court as the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), has begun drafting President Bola Tinubu’s response to a suit filed by eleven governors of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP), challenging the President’s controversial declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State.

The PDP governors have assembled a formidable legal team comprising seven Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) and six other seasoned attorneys to contest what they describe as an overreach of presidential powers. At the core of the dispute is Tinubu’s March 18, 2025, proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State, which led to the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu, and the entire Rivers State House of Assembly.

In an unprecedented move, Tinubu appointed retired Vice Admiral Ibok Ete Ibas as the sole administrator to oversee the state’s affairs—pending the resolution of the emergency period. The National Assembly quickly endorsed the decision through a voice vote, further escalating political tensions across the federation.

But the PDP governors are pushing back.

In a suit filed at the Supreme Court with case number SC/CV/329/2025, the governors from Adamawa, Enugu, Osun, Oyo, Bauchi, Akwa Ibom, Plateau, Delta, Taraba, Zamfara, and Bayelsa states are asking the court to determine whether the President has the constitutional authority to suspend elected state officials and appoint an unelected administrator in their place.

Their legal team includes respected SANs such as Bolaji Ayorinde, Eyitayo Jegede, Kamaldeen Ajibade, J.A Mumuni, Musibau Adetunbi, Samuel Atung, and Yunus Abdulsalam. They are joined by M.S. Atolagbe, Ezenwa Ibegbunam, Chiamaka Anagu, Olakunle Lawal, Abduljalil Musa, and H.A. Adeleke.

The governors argue that Tinubu’s action is in direct violation of Sections 1(2), 5(2), 176, 180, 188, and 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which safeguard the autonomy of state governments and uphold the principles of constitutional federalism. They contend that suspending elected officials under the guise of emergency rule is both unconstitutional and dangerous to Nigeria’s democratic framework.

Specifically, the governors want the court to determine:

  • Whether the President can lawfully suspend a Governor or Deputy Governor and appoint a sole administrator without violating the Constitution.

  • Whether such actions are consistent with the tenets of democracy and the separation of powers enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution.

As Fagbemi leads the Federal Government’s legal strategy, constitutional lawyers and political analysts across the nation are watching closely. The case is poised to become a landmark decision, one that could redefine the limits of executive power and shape the future of Nigeria’s federal democracy.

The date for the Supreme Court hearing is yet to be announced, but legal fireworks are all but guaranteed.

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2027: Ganduje Reacts to Atiku Visit to Buhari Amid Coalition Talk

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2027: Ganduje Reacts to Atiku Visit to Buhari Amid Coalition Talk

 

 

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

 

As Nigeria hurtles toward the 2027 general elections, political fireworks have already begun to explode across the landscape. One of the most riveting developments came when former Vice President and perennial presidential contender Alhaji Atiku Abubakar paid a high-profile visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari in Daura. The visit, cloaked in civility but loaded with political undertones, has sparked a national debate and provoked strong reactions — notably from the embattled National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje.

 

2027: Ganduje Reacts to Atiku Visit to Buhari Amid Coalition Talk

 

To the untrained eye, the visit might seem like an innocuous gesture of statesmanship. But seasoned political observers know that in Nigeria’s murky political terrain, no handshake is ever just a handshake. It is a message. It is a signal. It is a strategic move.

 

Ganduje’s Defensive Rhetoric: A Crumbling Empire?

 

Dr. Ganduje, already struggling to hold together a fractured APC, dismissed the meeting as a “media stunt” and accused Atiku of playing games to revive his waning relevance. “Atiku is grasping at straws,” Ganduje said during a press briefing in Abuja. “The APC is not a refuge for failed PDP politicians looking for political asylum.”

 

This fiery response, however, betrays more than it conceals. Political insiders say Ganduje’s anxiety stems from the growing disillusionment within the APC and the rising popularity of coalition talks aimed at dislodging the party that has presided over Nigeria’s most turbulent democratic decade. The once-dominant APC is now battling factionalism, leadership instability, and widespread public disdain.

 

2027: Ganduje Reacts to Atiku Visit to Buhari Amid Coalition Talk

 

A Possible Coalition: The Night the Elephant Danced With the Lion

 

If reports are to be believed, Atiku’s visit was not merely ceremonial. Sources close to both camps suggest that discussions are underway to explore a “grand coalition” that could bring together influential political actors from both northern and southern Nigeria to unseat the APC in 2027. Buhari, known for his silence, has not disavowed the talks, fuelling speculation that even he, the supposed “father of APC,” is growing disenchanted with the party’s direction.

 

Political coalitions are not new in Nigerian history. In fact, the APC itself was born from a coalition of disillusioned politicians in 2013. However, what makes this possible Atiku-led coalition unique is its potential to merge ideological enemies into a common force against a greater evil — political stagnation and national decline.

 

Nigeria in Decline: The APC’s Legacy of Chaos

 

Since 2015, when the APC took power under Buhari, Nigeria has witnessed nothing short of a national collapse. The economy is in tatters, with inflation soaring above 33% and unemployment crossing 40% by the end of 2024. According to the World Bank, Nigeria has become the world’s poverty capital, overtaking India with over 71 million people living in extreme poverty.

 

“Corruption, insecurity, economic mismanagement — the APC has failed Nigerians on every front,” says Dr. Kingsley Moghalu, economist and former presidential candidate. “The social contract between the government and the people has completely broken down.”

 

This collapse is not an exaggeration; it is a documented reality. Under APC rule, Nigeria has witnessed the devaluation of its currency, mass emigration of youth through the “Japa syndrome,” and the near-total breakdown of law and order. From Boko Haram to banditry to IPOB agitations, the country is increasingly ungovernable.

 

Atiku’s Calculated Return: Statesman or Strategist?

 

Atiku’s critics accuse him of opportunism, but his supporters view him as a resilient statesman seeking to rescue a broken nation. “Atiku is Nigeria’s most consistent political figure of the Fourth Republic,” said Professor Jibrin Ibrahim, a political scientist with the Centre for Democracy and Development. “His visit to Buhari may be the beginning of a national healing process.”

 

Indeed, if a coalition is to succeed, it needs to be broad-based, multi-ethnic, and pragmatic. Atiku’s long-standing relationships across Nigeria’s geopolitical zones could be the glue that binds a new political force. His vision of restructuring, economic liberalism, and national unity resonates with many young Nigerians disillusioned by tribal politics and nepotism.

 

Ganduje’s Irony: A Man Without Moral Standing

 

Ganduje, who has repeatedly denied allegations of corruption despite viral videos allegedly showing him collecting bribes in dollars, is hardly the voice of moral authority. His continued leadership of the APC is viewed by many as a stain on the party’s image.

 

“Nigerians are tired of recycled corruption,” said Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka. “The country needs a clean break from the past, not a recycling of those who have contributed to its downfall.”

 

Ganduje’s rejection of coalition talks, therefore, comes across as both hypocritical and desperate. His primary concern is not the party’s future or the country’s stability — it is the preservation of his dwindling influence.

 

A Coalition That Could Save Nigeria

 

A possible Atiku-led coalition could include the PDP, disgruntled APC members, Labour Party elements, and regional powerbrokers. If successful, it would mark a turning point in Nigeria’s political history — a united opposition front committed to real reforms.

 

The late Nelson Mandela once said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” In Nigeria, many believed the APC’s defeat was impossible until 2015 proved otherwise. 2027 could once again be the year Nigerians rise against incompetence and reclaim their democracy.

 

To achieve this, the coalition must focus on a common minimum agenda: restructuring, economic revitalization, job creation, security reform, and judicial independence. It must also avoid the mistakes of the past — internal sabotage, regional bias, and political greed.

 

Voices from the Global Stage

 

Former U.S. President Barack Obama once remarked, “Africa doesn’t need strongmen; it needs strong institutions.” Nigeria has had enough of strongmen who use institutions as personal weapons. The time has come for an alliance that will rebuild institutions, restore confidence, and rejuvenate hope.

 

Renowned economist Jeffrey Sachs emphasized, “Good governance is the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development.” Nigeria’s tragedy is that it has been governed by those more interested in power than purpose. The 2027 coalition must reverse this pattern.

 

The Verdict of the People

 

Ultimately, it is not Ganduje, Atiku, or Buhari who will determine Nigeria’s fate in 2027 — it is the Nigerian people. And the people are watching, listening, and preparing. They have endured inflation, fuel scarcity, unemployment, and insecurity. Their anger is reaching boiling point.

 

As author Chinua Achebe wrote, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” That failure must end. If a coalition offers even a glimmer of competent leadership, then history will remember Atiku’s visit to Buhari not as an act of desperation, but as the moment the winds of change began to blow.

 

Conclusion: A Nation at the Crossroads

 

Nigeria stands today on a knife’s edge. The old order is cracking, and a new vision must emerge. Ganduje’s hostility to coalition talks is a symptom of a frightened political class clinging to a failed status quo. But history is merciless to those who stand in the way of progress.

 

The 2027 elections could either be the beginning of national rebirth or the final nail in Nigeria’s democratic coffin. The choice is ours.

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