Politics
Nigeria, political choices and consequences
Nigeria, political choices and consequences
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
To those who have been asking for my views on the last Osun governorship election, let me confess that the keenly contested election is a story worth telling. Deservingly so, yours sincerely will give a bird’s-eye view at an appropriate time. Soon! Surely!
That said, there is something about political orientation in Nigeria, which is also affected by the level of civilization. Inside that civilization are the levels of literacy and standard practice of the people’s norms and values. Whenever we mention politics, what is in the mind of an average Nigerian is an abstract phenomenon, yet, critical to public administration; it sure means different things to different people. To some, politics is just about how to grab state resources in a legitimate manner. So, people seek politics for the sake of power, and the only way to go about it is to play politics; that is, being involved in the structure of politics. To some people, anything goes in politics; even, rules and standards, by not obeying them, is politics. So, apart from its standardized definitions, politics is what the player or the political gladiator calls it, as long as it is soothing and convenient to his or her interest.
Again, politics already domesticated carries other attributes and these attributes can only be located within the context of the culture of where they are domesticated. For instance, if politics is defined by the ancient fathers as ‘who gets what, when, how’ (Harold Laswell, 1936); and the ‘authoritative allocation of value’ (David Easton, 1965), still, it has its own attributes. After all, politics enables one to get certain things done subject to certain intrigues. It also helps one to bend the rules, especially, if one plays it right. In that context, people make peculiar choices and induced policies are also churned out. The summation of all these things is exactly what is now happening in Nigeria.
In like manner, governance is administration, and administration itself is hinged on leadership. Impliedly, the type of leadership we get is the kind of government we have. The kind of government we get is the kind of administration that will be given to us. Obviously, it boils down to leadership. In the Nigerian context, the way leadership emerges is in itself problematic. It may appear seemingly democratic but, if it is stripped of its niceties, it will be discovered that leadership emergence in our clime has very undemocratic principles. Take for instance, for anybody to emerge as a presidential flag-bearer of a political party in Nigeria, he must fulfil some conditions. To put it mildly, these conditions have already disenfranchised millions of other Nigerians. In other words, what is required, when one looks at it, is not a level-playing field at all.
According to Amartya Sen, poverty becomes prevalent where there is ‘unfreedom’ on the part of the individual citizen to make a free choice of economic or political activities, which is independent of the State’s influence. In Nigeria, political choices are seldom free. Oftentimes, choices are made by the mass of citizens from the system-restricted options. A system-structured political party produces a restricted option of candidates, making the probability of outcomes purposively known and predictable! Invariably, the outcomes of the people’s choices are fairly and predictably known because the people are given guided options. While the systemic control makes the idea of an ‘independent candidate’ alien to Nigeria, the systemic restriction in Nigeria makes it impossible for certain classes of citizens to attain the privileged status of being voted for in the general elections.
As things stand, Nigeria’s political space is populated more by accidental democrats and opportunistic contractors, and they have been shown the way to riches. The powerful people have structured political emergence in such a way that it will perpetually fit their profile and those projected to become leaders! For example, it is they who organise the delegates and it is they who feed them. Since it is they who ‘settle’ them financially, they also direct the delegates with regard to the direction of their (the delegates’) votes. As we can also see, ability to understand and process issues will always be central to the choices that are made. For God’s sake, how many people can afford N100m just to pick a presidential form and how many people can service the delegates in terms of reality?
Yes, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) provisions stipulate a certain amount of money to be paid to each delegate as an honorarium. Even at that, how many people can boast of it in a domestic economy with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) currently standing at $440.78B? How can an individual pay that kind of money to, say, 1000 delegates? To be more attractive, and to edge out other competitors, the demands of delegates have even become enhanced, and ostensibly dollarized. Just think about it: can yours sincerely afford such a luxury. Who dash monkey banana? Yours sincerely who, despite his life struggles and commitment to nation-building, still has no roof of his own over his own head? Anyway, that’s a discussion for another day!
Undeniably, these stumbling blocks have not only rendered the process undemocratic but also inexplicably maniacal. At the end of the day, what it means is that the societal system has already selectively determined those whose ‘birthright’ it is to lead this fractured microcosm. That’s why ‘papa’ leaves office and puts his ‘pikin’, because it is only the son who has grown all the features that can make him an heir to the throne. Of course, that is why democracy in Nigeria is graphically defined as ‘government of the rich to favour the rich while perpetually keeping the poor in hopeless unfreedom’.
Going by the last party primaries in Nigeria, when one takes a cursory look at the number of people who wanted to rule Nigeria, one then begins to wonder where the country is truly headed. No thanks to the subtle political elimination culture which, more often than not, disqualifies qualified persons from standing for elections due to the State’s inbuilt inhibitions! The system would have so incapacitated them that their voices cannot be heard. Even if such people have noble ideas, the only place they can gestate will be in the ‘other room’. The tragedy of it all is that it’s a system which gives Nigerians limited options. So, it’s either one queues behind ‘Emi lokan’, or get ‘Atiku-lated’, or simply become ‘Obi-dient.’
When trust between the late Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola came under severe strain, until it got to a climax during the First Republic, Awolowo’s position – that he was after development – was clear to everybody. But what was Akintola’s excuse? Well, it was more of a battle for survival and prominence. In other words, politics was reduced to the level of ‘who’s the superordinate’ and ‘who’s the subordinate’? If it were to be that SLA wanted a certain development plan implemented and Awo was opposed to it, the story would have been different.
The question now is: even after most of the political gladiators of the First Republic have died, has Nigeria been able to climb out of the morass into which she was sunk? Till tomorrow, some things have remained central; and they are the sin, sinfulness and the insatiable smartness of the political class. Sad that what we now have on our hands are appropriate errors of empty spirituality wrapped in the exhibition of ecstasy.
May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote in from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)
Rivers Crisis: PDP Governors Challenge Emergency Rule at Supreme Court
By George O. Sylvester
The political climate in Nigeria has taken a dramatic turn as governors of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have filed a lawsuit at the Supreme Court, challenging President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State. The emergency proclamation, made on March 18, saw Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu, and all members of the state House of Assembly suspended for six months. In their place, the president appointed retired Vice-Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas as the sole administrator of the state.
This move has sparked nationwide debate, with the PDP governors contending that it constitutes a flagrant violation of constitutional provisions. The plaintiffs—governors of Bauchi, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Enugu, Osun, Plateau, and Zamfara states—assert that the president lacks the authority to unilaterally suspend a democratically elected governor and deputy governor. In their submission, they argue that the appointment of a sole administrator is not only unconstitutional but also sets a dangerous precedent for Nigeria’s democracy.
A Legal and Constitutional Showdown
According to court documents filed by the PDP governors, the emergency proclamation contravenes several sections of the Nigerian Constitution, particularly Sections 1(2), 5(2), and 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Section 1(2) of the Constitution explicitly states that “the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any person or group of persons take control of the government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.” The plaintiffs argue that by suspending the duly elected governor and deputy governor, the president has usurped powers that the Constitution does not grant him.
Furthermore, the governors maintain that Section 305, which outlines the conditions under which a state of emergency can be declared, does not empower the president to suspend elected officials. The section provides that a state of emergency may be declared in the case of war, natural disasters, public disorder, or breakdown of law and order. However, the plaintiffs argue that the situation in Rivers State did not meet these stringent conditions.
The Eleven Flaws of President Tinubu: A Critical Analysis
By George O Sylvester
President Tinubu’s administration has been marred by several controversies and criticisms since its inception. This article provides an in-depth examination of eleven flaws that have been identified in his leadership style and policies, which may potentially impact the effectiveness of his administration.
1. The Insignificant Vice President:
The role of Vice President Kashim Shettima in the administration has been rendered insignificant, with many questioning his continued relevance. The Muslim-Muslim ticket that was used to woo Northern votes has been exposed as a mere gimmick, leaving the North East region feeling betrayed. According to Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, “The Vice President’s role has been reduced to mere ceremonial functions, a far cry from the robust engagement we expected.”
2. The Weak National Chairman:
APC National Chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje’s corruption allegations have continued to plague his tenure, despite his denials. The opposition has capitalized on these allegations, using them to attack the Federal Government. Governor Samuel Ortom noted, “Ganduje’s corruption allegations have damaged the APC’s reputation, and his continued stay as National Chairman is a liability.” Furthermore, Ganduje’s home state of Kano is now controlled by the opposition NNPP, led by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
3. The Liability Senate President:
Senate President Godswill Akpabio has lost credibility due to his handling of the Senate, which has been criticized for being chaotic. His corruption allegations and sexual harassment charges have become synonymous with his name, leading many to question his character and humility. Senator Ovie Omo-Agege stated, “Akpabio’s leadership style has been divisive, and his handling of the Senate has been chaotic.”
4. The National Security Adviser’s Questionable Integrity:
National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu’s threat to sue Najaatu Mohammad over corruption allegations against President Tinubu ended in embarrassment. His failure to follow through on his threat and subsequent denial of ever accusing the President of corruption have tarnished his integrity. Hon. Yusuf Gagdi noted, “Ribadu’s failure to take action against corruption allegations has raised questions about his credibility and integrity.”
5. The Minister of FCT’s Divisive Politics:
Minister of FCT Nwesome Wike’s appointment has been marked by controversy, with many questioning his suitability for the role. Wike, a former PDP member, played anti-party politics in Rivers State to support President Tinubu’s candidacy. Senator Ali Ndume stated, “Wike’s appointment has been a disaster, and his actions have further polarized the polity.”
6. The Buhari Camp’s Growing Discontent:
The politicians who supported President Tinubu’s candidacy, known as the Buhari camp, feel sidelined and are quietly regrouping to challenge the President. Former governor Nasir El-Rufai warned, “The Buhari camp feels betrayed, and their discontent may boil over into a full-blown crisis.”
7. Political Mercenaries:
Reno Omokri and Senator Shehu Sani, once vocal critics of President Tinubu, are now his vocal supporters. Their accusations against the President, ranging from Chicago controversies to drug trafficking allegations, have been conveniently forgotten. Senator Dino Melaye said, “Reno Omokri and Shehu Sani’s sudden U-turn is a classic case of political opportunism, driven by self-interest rather than principle.”
8. The Muslim-Muslim Ticket Mantra:
The Muslim-Muslim ticket mantra used to woo Northern votes has been exposed as a ruse. Northerners are poised to make fresh demands come 2027, which may not bode well for the APC-led government. Hon. Mohammed Monguno predicted, “The Muslim-Muslim ticket was a gimmick that has backfired, and the APC will pay the price in 2027.”
9. Nepotism in Appointments:
President Tinubu’s appointments have been criticized for favoring Yoruba elites, creating a perception that the President is building the Yoruba people above all other tribes in Nigeria. Forner Governor Ifeanyi Okowa noted, “The President’s appointments have been lopsided, favoring Yoruba elites at the expense of other regions.”
10. Seyi Tinubu’s Involvement in Underground Campaigns:
Seyi Tinubu’s involvement in underground campaigns is unlikely to yield positive results for the APC. This move exposes the President’s parental weakness, drawing parallels with the Abacha era. Seyi’s actions are disrupting Lagos’ political landscape, relying on financial influence rather than integrity. Senator Kabiru Gaya stated, “Seyi Tinubu’s actions are a reflection of the President’s weakness, and his reliance on financial influence rather than integrity will ultimately harm the APC.”
11. President Tinubu’s Shift in Leadership Style:
President Tinubu has transformed from a wise leader to a powerful one since taking office. He no longer values consultations, lobbying, and persuasions.”The President’s maiden speech was a clear indication of his disregard for democratic principles, and his unilateral decision-making style will lead to chaos.” – Hon. Kingsley Chinda
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