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‘Obasanjo had N20,000 when he returned from prison, He has no right to accuse people of corruption’ – Afenifere Chieftain spits fire

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Obasanjo: A living legend - Gov. Abiodun

 

Afenifere chieftain, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, says former President Olusegun Obasanjo has no moral right to accuse anyone of being corrupt.

Describing Obasanjo as a “whited sepulchre,” Adebanjo said the former President had not disputed that he had only N20,000 in his bank account as of when he returned from the prison in 1999 and that a former Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, and a businessman, Oyewole Fasawe, saved him from bankruptcy.

Adebanjo said if Nigeria were a decent society, people like Obasanjo would never feature in public life again, saying it continued to amaze him how people continued to give the former President “undue prominence in spite of his known character.”

He said he was sure that “when a real government of the people comes into power, they would take Obasanjo’s Presidential Library Complex in Abeokuta” from the former President.

Adebanjo, who will turn 90 years on April 10, said these in his autobiography, Telling it as it is, which was publicly presented in Lagos on Tuesday.

He attacked the former President, particularly in chapter 13 of the 233-page book, which he titled, ‘Awolowo, Obasanjo and the Yoruba Nation.’

At the event, chaired by a former military Vice-President, Cmdr. Ebitu Ukiwe (retd.), were the national leader of the All Progressives Congress, Bola Tinubu, and former governors of Ogun State, Chief Olusegun Osoba and Otunba Gbenga Daniel.

Also present was a former Commonwealth Secretary General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Olu Falae, a former Minister of State for Defence, Musiliu Obanikoro, a former Minister of Industry, Mrs. Nike Akande, the founder of Latter Rain Assembly, Pastor Tunde Bakare, and Chief Albert Horsfall.

Also present were the Chairman of First Bank Nigeria, Mrs. Ibukun Awosika, industrialist, Chief Rasaq Okoya, Prof. Pat Utomi and Tony Elumelu.

In his book, Adebanjo described Obasanjo’s eight years in government between 1999 and 2007 as a civilian President as a tragedy and calamity, declaring that his scorecard was nothing to write home about.

He wrote, “The man who carried on as if he was all-in-all failed woefully on all counts as President. His eight-year tenure (1999-2007) was a tragedy. His scorecard was nothing to write home about. What did he do in eight years? Before he came, we were buying fuel for N20 per litre, and crude oil was $23 per barrel. In 2007, under his regime, we were buying fuel at N75 per litre, and crude oil was between $65 and $75 per barrel. In the worst days of Abacha, one dollar was over N120.”

Adebanjo, a disciple of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, said Obasanjo humiliated Awolowo, when the latter visited him to discuss the interest of the Yoruba after Obasanjo became the military head of state following the assassination of Maj. Gen. Murtala Mohammed on February 13, 1976.

He said, “There are many incidents to show that Obasanjo is anti-Yoruba. He has no interest in, or sympathy for the Yoruba cause, he only has his own interest for everything he does. That is my conclusion, and I have copious evidence to prove it.”

Adebanjo also blamed Obasanjo for the collapse of the Alliance for Democracy by picking the late Bola Ige, a member of the AD, as a minister in 1999 against the wish of the party.

He said, “As far as I am concerned, the moment Bola Ige joined Obasanjo’s government, following his (Bola Ige) loss of AD’s presidential primaries where he polled six votes against Chief Olu Falae’s 17, marked the beginning of the end of the party. In my opinion, these are the scenarios which led to the collapse of the AD.”

In his remarks at the event, Anyaoku described Adebanjo as “one of those who have been responsible in creating the history of our country.”

Anyaoku said like Adebanjo, he witnessed the time when Nigeria operated regional governments and did very well.

He said, “I lived in those years and there has never been any doubt in my mind that our country, Nigeria, was doing extremely well when it had a true federation of four regions, with each region developing at its own pace, with its citizens feeling proud to belong to the bigger Nigerian country.

“We have since, of course, lost that basic structure of governance and when we think about the progress we were making in those days, we think, first and foremost of the Western Region under the leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo… Those were days when there was healthy competition in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, Chief Awolowo’s counterpart, Dr. Michael Okpara, was also focusing on the development of his region; the agricultural development in eastern Nigeria was very significant; and in the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello was also learning from the experience of his colleagues in the Western Region, the Eastern Region and the Mid-West Region.

“Those were days when you could talk about the famous groundnut pyramids in northern Nigeria or talk about the vast plantations of cotton that Nigeria was producing and indeed, you could talk about the very high quality hides and skin, which were being marketed abroad as Moroccan leather because of their superior quality. And the country as a whole was doing reasonably well.”

Anyaoku blamed the military intervention for the woes of the country, arguing that the military should not have altered the constitution.

He said, “I believe that if the military had not intervened in our governance in January 1966 and remained in power for so many years and if they had not disfigured our constitution, I used the word disfigured advisedly, because I do not believe that there is any country in  the world that has the diversity that Nigeria has, diversity of peoples who have lived for several centuries in their geographical areas, who have their distinct cultural traditions.

“I don’t believe there is anywhere in the world where such a country with such diversity can live under a unitary government. So, we do need in Nigeria, a true federal structure and this was one of the abiding thoughts that Chief Obafemi Awolowo advocated throughout his life and the legacy that he left.”

Also speaking, Tinubu described Adebanjo as a principled and upright man, saying he owed his election as governor of Lagos State in 1999 to Adebanjo’s insistence on fair play.

Tinubu said he aligned with Adebanjo on the call for restructuring and true federalism.

He said, “I respect him for his principled stand on issues of the country. If you don’t understand him, you might say he is divisive but what is the meaning of restructuring, if not true federalism? If not about freedom and opportunity for each federating units to come up with their blueprints, govern and promote the unity of the country. What is the meaning of restructuring, if it is not about resource management and opportunity for true federalism in any democratic setting? I agree with that and I am with him on that.”

 

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President Tinubu in Turkey: Guard of Honor and Strategic Agreements Signal New Era in Bilateral Relations

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, was accorded a full guard of honor during his official state visit to Turkey, a ceremonial reception reserved for world leaders and a strong signal of the respect Nigeria commands on the global stage.

The ceremony, held at the Turkish Presidential Complex in Ankara, featured military pageantry, national anthems, and formal protocol before high-level bilateral talks commenced.

The Presidency confirmed that President Tinubu briefly stumbled due to a camera cable while proceeding to the presidential lodge but stood up immediately and continued his engagements without interruption, stressing that the incident had no impact on the visit or his health.

More importantly, the visit delivered substantive diplomatic and economic outcomes. During talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on January 27, 2026, Nigeria and Turkey signed nine cooperation agreements and memoranda of understanding, covering military cooperation, higher education, diaspora policy, media and communication, halal accreditation, diplomatic training, and the establishment of a Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO).

At a joint press conference, President Tinubu emphasized the need to deepen cooperation in security, trade, and economic development, while President Erdoğan reaffirmed Turkey’s support for Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and commitment to strengthening strategic ties.

With Turkey’s strengths in defense technology, intelligence, education, and industrial capacity, the agreements open new opportunities for technology transfer, security collaboration, trade expansion, and human capital development.

In essence, the Turkey visit stands as a diplomatic success, defined not by a fleeting moment, but by honor, respect, and concrete agreements that advance Nigeria’s security, economy, and international standing.

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Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti and His Crowned Princes

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

 

Preface: The Necessity of Historical Context

Every generation seeks its heroes. In music, this instinct often manifests through comparison—an exercise that frequently reveals more about contemporary taste than historical contribution. In recent years, public discourse, amplified by social media, has juxtaposed Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with global Afrobeats icons, most notably Wizkid, provoking the recurring question of “greatness” in Nigerian music.

This essay does not diminish the accomplishments of Nigeria’s contemporary stars, whose global visibility is unprecedented. Rather, it offers a scholarly contextualization—one that distinguishes between musical origination and musical succession, and between cultural architecture and commercial dominance—while situating Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti firmly within the category of historical inevitability.

The Problem with Simplistic Comparison

Comparing Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with contemporary Afrobeats performers is, by scholarly standards, inherently flawed.

Fela’s work transcended performance. He engineered an entire musical and ideological system, fused political philosophy with sound, and permanently altered the trajectory of African popular music. His output represents cultural authorship, not entertainment calibrated to market demand. Fela’s music is timeless precisely because it was never designed to be fashionable.

A Yoruba proverb captures this distinction with enduring clarity:

“Ọmọ kì í ní aṣọ púpọ̀ bí àgbà, kó ní akísà bí àgbà.”

A child may own many clothes, but he cannot possess the rags of an elder.

The proverb is not dismissive. It is instructive. It speaks to accumulated depth—experience earned, systems built, and legacies forged through time rather than trend.

Musicians and Artistes: A Necessary Distinction

A rigorous analysis requires conceptual precision. Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti was a musician in the classical and intellectual sense: a composer, arranger, bandleader, employer of musicians, multi-instrumentalist, theorist, and cultural philosopher. His work demanded mastery of form, orchestration, ideology, and discipline.

Fela composed extended works, trained orchestras, performed entirely live, and embedded African political consciousness into rhythm, harmony, and structure.

By contrast, many contemporary stars—though exceptionally gifted and globally successful—operate primarily as artistes: interpreters of sound whose work prioritizes studio production, performance aesthetics, and commercial reach. This is not a hierarchy of worth, but a distinction of function. Fela’s music demanded study and confrontation; contemporary Afrobeats prioritised accessibility, pleasure, and global circulation—often without courting antagonism.

Afrobeat: An Ideological Invention

Afrobeat, as conceived by Fela, was not merely a genre. It was an ideological framework. Jazz, highlife, Yoruba rhythmic systems, call-and-response traditions, and political chant were fused into a resistant, uncompromising form.

Modern Afrobeats—by Wizkid, Burna Boy, and others—are adaptations and descendants, not replicas. They have expanded Africa’s global cultural footprint, but expansion does not erase origination. Fela’s Afrobeat remains the undiluted prototype upon which contemporary success rests.

Enduring Legacy Beyond Mortality

Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti passed in 1997, yet his influence has intensified rather than diminished. His legacy is evidenced by:

– Continuous academic study across global universities.

– International bands, many formed by people not alive at the time of his death, performing his works.

– FELABRATION, now a global annual cultural event.

– Broadway and international stage adaptations inspired by his life and music.

– Lifetime achievement and posthumous recognition by the Grammy Awards.

– Cultural centres, festivals, and scholarly conferences generating lasting intellectual and economic value.

This constitutes cultural permanence, not nostalgia.

Reconsidering Wealth and Sacrifice

Measured monetarily, Fela was not among the wealthiest musicians of his era. His radicalism came at an immense personal cost. He was beaten repeatedly. His mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, was killed. His home was burned. Original artistic archives were destroyed during state-sanctioned violence by unknown soldiers, even though history records who authorised the actions.

Yet Fela gave voice to generations—from Ojuelegba to Mushin, Ajegunle to Jos, Abuja, and even the privileged enclaves of today’s ọmọ baba olówó. He toured globally with an unusually large band long before satellite television or social media could amplify his reach.

Like Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe, Fela’s wealth exists beyond currency. It resides in influence, citation, adaptation, and endurance.

National and Global Recognition

Fela received a state burial in Lagos—an extraordinary acknowledgment from a military government he relentlessly criticised. Nations rarely honour dissenters so formally.

Globally, his stature aligns with figures such as James Brown, Elvis Presley, and the Rolling Stones—artists whose music reshaped identity, politics, and social consciousness.

The Crowned Princes: Wizkid and the Ethics of Reverence

Nigeria’s modern stars—Wizkid, Burna Boy, 2Face Idibia, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Tems, Olamide, among others—have achieved extraordinary global success. They are wealthier, more mobile, and more visible internationally than previous generations, and they deserve their accolades.

Wizkid, in particular, has consistently demonstrated reverence rather than rivalry toward Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti.

Femi Aníkúlápó Kuti has publicly stated:

“Wizkid loves Fela like a father.”

Wizkid has repeatedly supported FELABRATION, never demanding performance fees. The only times he has not appeared were occasions when he was not in the country. He has remixed Fela’s music, bears a Fela tattoo on his arm, and openly acknowledges Fela’s primacy.

A senior associate and long-time friend of Wizkid has affirmed that Wizkid adores Fela, would never equate himself with him—“in this world or the next”—and that recent tensions were reactions to provocation rather than assertions of equivalence.

This distinction matters. Wizkid’s posture is one of inheritance, not competition.

Seun Kuti and the Burden of Legacy

Seun Kuti is a musician of conviction and lineage. Yet relevance is best secured through original contribution rather than reactive comparison. Fela’s legacy does not require defence through controversy; it is already settled by history.

As William Shakespeare observed:

“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars,

But in ourselves, that we are underlings.”

—Julius Caesar

The weight of inheritance can inspire greatness or provoke restlessness. History rewards those who build upon legacy, not those who contest it.

The Songs That Made Fela Legendary

Among the works that cemented Fela’s immortality are:

– Zombie

– Water No Get Enemy

– Sorrow, Tears and Blood

– Coffin for Head of State

– Expensive Shit

– Shakara

– Gentleman

– Teacher Don’t Teach Me Nonsense

– Roforofo Fight

– Beasts of No Nation

These compositions remain sonic textbooks of resistance.

Fela in the Digital Age

Had Fela lived in the era of social media, his voice would have resonated far beyond Africa. His music would have found kinship among global movements confronting inequality, oppression, and social injustice.

“Music is the weapon.”

—Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti

Weapons, unlike trends, endure.

Placing Greatness Correctly

Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti’s greatness does not require comparison. He is the great-grandfather of Afrobeat—the musical and cultural architect who cleared the roads upon which today’s Afrobeat princes now travel.

Honouring contemporary success does not diminish historical achievement. To understand Nigerian music’s global relevance is to understand Fela. History, when read correctly, is both generous and precise.

 

Prince Adeyemi Shonibare writes on culture, music history, and African creative industries. He is a media and events consultant based in Nigeria.

 

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Mazangari Decries Prolonged Silence Over Unresolved EFCC Bank Draft Allegations

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EFCC Nabs 148 Chinese Nationals, 645 Others for Cyberfraud and Romance Scams in Major Lagos Raid

Years after a petition alleging abuse of office, intimidation and institutional misconduct was submitted against operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Hajia Mazangari has drawn public attention to the matter once again, expressing concern over what she described as prolonged institutional silence and the absence of any known resolution.

The controversy arose from a bank draft transaction involving a sum running into several millions of naira, reportedly issued in the name of “EFCC Clients Account” and handed over to one Habibu Aliyu.

According to the account contained in the petition, Hajia Mazangari was later contacted by her bank and informed that an EFCC operative allegedly approached the bank, requesting that the draft earlier issued by her be cashed into another personal account.

The bank reportedly declined the request, insisting that the draft could only be re-issued in the name of a new beneficiary in compliance with established banking regulations. Attempts by Hajia Mazangari, through her solicitor, to retrieve the original bank draft allegedly resulted in hostility from Habibu Aliyu and Ruqqaya Ibrahim, with the situation escalating into what the petition described as sustained malice, intimidation and humiliation.

“It is as a result of this unending malice, torture and humiliation that we passionately plead to you, sir, to save our client who has been run aground by people with personal vendetta disguising as public officers,” the petition read.

In a further petition dated 14 January 2020 and addressed to the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, through her counsel, Ibrahim Salawu, Esq., Hajia Mazangari alleged that Habibu Aliyu (a former staff of the EFCC), Ruqqaya Ibrahim (a serving EFCC staff), Mohammed Goje (a serving EFCC staff) and one Mustafa Gadanya (a former staff of the EFCC) had, on various occasions, stormed her family residence in Kaduna.

According to the petition, copies of which were obtained by our correspondent in Abuja, the individuals allegedly accused her, her son and his associates of being involved in a pension scam, insisting that they were “neck-deep” in the alleged fraud and would be dealt with and made to face prosecution.

Hajia Mazangari maintained that the accusations were unfounded and that the repeated visits amounted to intimidation and abuse of authority.

In a related development at the time, counsel to Ahmed and Fatima Mazangari, Barrister Ibrahim Salawu, also wrote to the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court seeking the reassignment of their case to another court, following the elevation of the presiding judge to the Court of Appeal and the resultant irregular sittings of the court.

Despite the seriousness of the allegations contained in the petitions, efforts to obtain an official response from the EFCC at the time reportedly proved abortive.

Years later, Hajia Mazangari maintains that the institutional silence that greeted her complaints has persisted. She faulted the former Chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Magu, for allegedly failing to address the concerns raised in the petitions.

She further accused the former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, of failing to intervene or cause a review of the matter despite being formally notified.

According to her, the situation has not changed under the current leadership of the EFCC, which she claims has continued in what she described as the same pattern of silence and inaction, leaving the issues raised unresolved several years after the petitions were submitted.

She also raised concerns over the continued service of an officer identified as Mohammed Goje at the EFCC office in Gombe, noting that other officers of similar standing were reportedly dismissed in the past for corrupt practices. She questioned why no publicly known disciplinary or investigative outcome has emerged from her complaints.

Hajia Mazangari stressed that her decision to speak out again is not based on any fresh incident, but on the need to draw public attention to an unresolved matter which, in her view, underscores broader concerns about institutional accountability. She called on relevant authorities and oversight bodies to revisit the petitions and ensure that the issues raised are conclusively addressed in accordance with the law.

When contacted for comments on the allegations and the renewed public attention surrounding the matter, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had not responded as at the time of filing this report.

However, the Commission is hereby afforded the right of reply and is free to present its position or clarifications on the issues raised.

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