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‘Oshiomhole Out To Kill APC’ – Resigned Minister, Mama Taraba

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Oshiomhole Carpets Atiku, Obi Over Victory Claims

Former Minister of Women Affairs, Aisha Al-Hassan, tells JUSTIN TYOPUUSU that she resigned from the cabinet of President Muhammadu Buhari because she was unfairly treated by the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress, Mr. Adams Oshiomhole

You took the nation by surprise when you resigned as a minister and also dumped the All Progressives Congress almost simultaneously. What actually happened?

I resigned my appointment and I have picked nomination form of the United Democratic Party to contest the governorship seat in Taraba State. It may interest you to know that I had earlier bought the APC form to contest the same seat during the party’s primaries. I attended the screening and the committee only asked me of my party member card and the permanent voters’ card which I showed them. The committee then cleared me.

What then led to your disqualification?

The National Chairman of the APC, Adams Oshiomhole, in his own wisdom, said I was not qualified and therefore, I should not be cleared to contest the election. So, that is what informed my decision to withdraw my membership of the APC. I believe that I was unfairly treated. I feel that a great injustice was done to me by that action. I was a pioneer member of the APC. I was part of the registration of the APC because I was a member of the then new PDP when the merger was done. My new PDP then had a discussion with the APC, which eventually led to collaboration and we went through the whole process of registration. Congresses were conducted and the APC formally gave me the green light to contest the governorship election in 2015. I contested the senatorial seat in 2011 on the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party and I became a Senator of the federal Republic of Nigeria. My profile went up because I was further screened to be a minister; I passed all the stages of the screening.

Did you ever think that you could be disqualified?

I did not entertain any fear that I was not going to be cleared. Immediately I finished the screening, I came to Jalingo (Taraba State capital) on Sunday, 23rd September to prepare for the Presidential primary which was earlier scheduled for September 25. The governorship primary was slated for September 29. To my greatest shock, somebody just called me to find out if I was not aware of the information that was trending on the social media and I told the person that I was not aware since I am not on social media. When the caller did not tell me what really happened, I then asked one of my assistants to check any breaking news involving me. My aide checked the internet and reported that the result of the screening was out but I was not bothered about what was so special about the screening results because I was confident I was going to be cleared. I was confident because when I went for the screening, I was only asked for my original APC membership card and my permanent voter card which I presented and I was duly cleared. This is contained in the report that was submitted to the National Working Committee. I was cleared along with my 10 brothers who are still contesting in the APC but Oshiomhole, on his own, not the APC, said I should not be allowed to contest. I was made to understand through the people around him that it was not right to swear in another party chairman in Taraba State when we already have a chairman in place, who won an election and had been sworn-in. The same person had been performing the role of the state chairman of the party in the last four months. Oshihomhole just came out of nowhere and swore-in another chairman for Taraba State. As it is right now, there are two APC chairmen in Taraba State. One was installed by Oshiomhole while the other was installed by the former national chairman, (Chief John Odigie-Oyegun). That is the confusion that Oshiomhole had created in Taraba State. Right now, the secretariat of the APC in Taraba State is under the direct care of the police; it has been under lock and key since crisis broke out between the Odigie-Oyegun group and the Oshiomhole group. The police had to step in because they have the responsibility to keep peace among the people of Taraba State. I didn’t know my own was coming; he didn’t give any reason for screening me out. So, I said if I’m not good in 2019, having contested in 2015 for the same position, in the same party (the APC), it then meant that I am not good enough to remain in the cabinet; hence I tendered my resignation letter because I was serving under an APC government. The first thing I did was to resign from the cabinet and almost simultaneously, I withdrew my membership of the APC.

Why did you join the United Democratic Party?

I joined the United Democratic Party and immediately obtained its form to contest the governorship. The only thing is that Oshiomhole can only disqualify me from the APC; it is God that can give me power regardless of what party I belong to. Even if no party offers me the platform, God can still give me power. I’m not bothered about my disqualification because Oshiomhole is not God. He does not give power. The problem is if he was thinking of pushing me out to make a way for another person, it would end up a big miscalculation and a big plus for me. It means that I am unbeatable and the only thing he had to do, which was within his power, was to set me aside and say I can’t contest without giving any reason but he can only wield that power in the APC.

Do you have any personal grudge against Oshiomhole?

There is no misunderstanding between Oshiomhole and me. In fact, he gave me money in 2015 when I was contesting the governorship election and I am still very grateful to him despite what he is doing to me now. To the best of my knowledge, I don’t know of any problem between us. He is the national chairman, and I respect him. Why should I have a problem with him? I have not seen him since 2015; not until recently when he came out to contest at the national convention of the APC this year. I told him then that my support for him was 100 per cent

Your godfather, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar is in the PDP. Why did you decide to join another party?

I left the PDP before the formation of the APC. I was searching for where to go before the legacy party, the mega party and the APC decided to merge along with the Congress for Progressives Change and the All Nigerian Peoples Party. My people and I looked around and decided to join the then new PDP. It was when we merged that we now brought APC to Taraba State in 2014. It was practically impossible to get people over to our side since we were new and they didn’t believe that we had anything to offer. We had to embark on a door-to-door campaign to convince the people to come and take up executive party positions free of charge. In the process, despite how difficult it was for us, we won a senatorial seat. Having worked tirelessly to make the party what it is today with the support of my people, but as of yesterday (Tuesday), the APC is the weakest party in Taraba. Of all the previous opposition parties in Taraba State, all of them had governorship candidates but none could do what we were able to do with the APC. Now, after all my efforts, they feel they will push me aside. It’s alright! God is always in control.

Did your people agree to move with you to your new party.

All the executives of the APC, from the ward to the state level, moved and our supporters, countless of them. Even some PDP members who felt I was wrongly treated, decided to move with me to wherever I move to.

Do you think Mr President is aware of this?

Oshiomhole is out to kill the APC. I think Mr. President needs to caution him. We nurtured this party. I worked with Mr. President as a father and as a boss. People are suspecting the President but he has no hand in all of these. The President that I know will never tell anybody to do any act that is unjust or unfair. The President has nothing to do with all of this; it is just Oshiomhole that is doing all these.

You complained recently that women were not being treated fairly by the APC. Do you think that was also a factor in your disqualification?

Nobody knows why Oshiomhole is doing all these. I repeat nobody knows why. It is not only in my state. He is not doing this to me alone; he is also doing the same thing to every state and that is why we have so many court cases against the APC in many states now. This man, if he is not cautioned, he will kill APC for them. We have moved on. Life must continue. I didn’t join politics because of one political party. After all, I started in the PDP. When I saw that they were not conducting themselves the way I felt, I moved to the APC. What is happening in the APC now is worse than what happened in the PDP. It is worse. Ask anybody and they will tell you Oshiomhole is behind all of these.

Will you support former vice-president Atiku Abubakar, who is your political godfather in the forthcoming presidential election if he wins the PDP primary?

I will declare my support openly for my preferred candidate after the primaries have been concluded and the parties have presented their candidates

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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