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Oshodi Tapa Does Not Own Epetedo, It Belongs to 21 Compounds – Epetedo Union

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There’s been a raging controversy over who really owns the popular Epetedo area of Lagos Island.

 

In recent times, hoodlums allegedly sponsored and ordered by popular members of the Oshodi Tapa family in Lagos Island including Chief Kabiru Oshodi aka Olori Eyo and Baba Surakatu Oshodi have been involved in violent land and property grabbing, assault, brandishing of dangerous weapon, disturbance of public peace and other violent activities in the area.

 

This behaviour from the Oshodi Tapa family, according to many sources, is premised on the claim that they own the Epetedo area.

However, notable personalities from Epetedo insist that Oshodi family does not own the area. They revealed that, in fact, the progenitor of the Oshodi Tapa family was originally a 6 year old slave boy from Nupeland who was bought by the kind hearted Oba Eshinlokun of Lagos at Badagry during the thriving days of slave trade, and as such are shocked by the attempted historical revisionism going on.

 

As part of investigations to unravel the truth, Our Editor, ISRAEL BOLAJI-GBADAMOSI had an Exclusive Interview with ALHAJI IMAM RAHMAN MOGAJI, the Executive Secretary-General of Epetedo Union, a foremost association of descendants of Epetedo founded in 1927.

Imam Rahman Mogaji is a foremost activist, Islamic cleric, historian of repute and prominent son of Epetedo area from the Balogun Momoh Mogaji Oloko Compound. According to him, he has witnessed the issues first hand and has been involved in the moves for peace in the area. READ ON.

 

Please Introduce Yourself

I am Alhaji Abdulrahman Ayinde Mogaji, the Chief Imam of Mogaji Central Mosque, Freeman Street, Epetedo area of Lagos Island and also the Executive Secretary-General of the Epetedo Union, established in 1927.

What is the problem in Epetedo area of Lagos Island?

It’s a long story but I will get into it quickly. Oshodi Tapa family in Lagos Island led by Chief Kabiru Oshodi aka Olori Eyo and Baba Surakatu Oshodi have been involved in violent property grabbing, assault, and disturbance of public peace. They are making false claims that they own the Epetedo lands. That is an absolute falsehood and a terrible attempt at historical reversion and revisionism. It is on record that in the presence of Lagos government officials from physical planning, our Epetedo Union lawyer was assaulted by Chief Kabiru Oshodi just this January 13/14. It is getting out of hand.

What is Really The Truth of the Matter?

The Oshodi Tapa families are one of the prominent leaders of the area but do not own the lands. The returnee chiefs and warriors of King Kosoko were all given lands independently and subsequently were given independent Crown Grants per compound by Governor Glover in 1869 after the death of Oshodi Tapa.

The documents are still available. There are 21 Compounds that make up the Epetedo area and Oshodi only owns two as a leader, there are 19 independent other compounds.

The Aromire families who originally gave the lands to King Kosoko for all his chiefs who returned with him after about 10 years exile in Epe have disagreed with the position of the Oshodi family on this matter. The King Kosoko families also disagree with Oshodi family on the matter. Even the Oba of Lagos does not agree with Oshodi family on this matter. I will give you a blow-by-blow historical accounts and background on this issue. Everything I am saying is as referenced in the following historical books. So I am not telling you my personal views. Please check The Lagos Consulate 1851 – 1861 by Robert Smith written in 1978; Letter written by Chief Momodu Oteniya Kosoko to the Commissioner of the Colony’s Office in Marina Lagos dated March 9th, in 1943; History of Lagos by J.B Losi in 1921; History of Eko Dynasty by Chief Bolakale Kotun Published 26th April, 1973 and Table of Principal Events in Yoruba History by John Augustus Otonba Payne in January, 1893. These books all counter the false claims of Oshodi family.

Who Are the Masterminds of the Alleged Property Grabbing and Usurpations?

Baba Surakatu Oshodi is the ring leader. There is also Morufu Babatunde Oshodi aka Awishe who is the Chairman Oshodi family; Nasiru Adegboyega Oshodi and Chief kabiru Oshodi aka Olori Eyo. They are all key actors.

What Cogent Steps Has the Epetedo Union Made for Resolution?

We have been creating awareness for our members and giving support to those affected. As a mark of respect, we took the matter first to the Oba of Lagos before thinking of involving state government. Kabiyesi is the father for all and a representative of the government. We had written petitions and made oral documentary and documentations to the Oba of Lagos and the Traditional Councils first in August 2017 with other follow-ups. Our President, Dr. Babs Hussein and I are leading the efforts.

What Is The History of Epetedo in Lagos Island?

The area known as Epetedo in Lagos Island today could be traced directly to the kingship tussle between King Kosoko and King Akintoye way back in Lagos.

Trouble started between both princes around 1845 and 1851. Kosoko seized power from King Akintoye and reigned for six years between 1845 and 1851 before the British chased him out in 1851 over slave trade issues. The British wanted slave trade abolished. Kosoko disagreed but Akintoye supported the abolishment. That led to King Kosoko ouster in 1851 when he fled to Epe with his warriors, loyal chiefs and supporters, including Oshodi, Ajeniya, Mogaji, Dada Anthonio, Ajagun etc. and settled there. All those who settled permanently in Epe and never returned to Lagos with King Kosoko are today called Eko Epe. Sadly, Akintoye had a short reign after Kosoko fled to Epe. After Akintoye’s death, King Dosunmu ascended the throne and invited Kosoko to return to Lagos, no longer as King but as Oloja of Ereko and that’s why he settled at Ereko. Oshodi, Ajeniya, Mogaji, Dada Anthonio, Ajagun, Imam Onirakunmi (now in Salu Lafiaji) and others were among his chiefs and loyalists who returned with him to Lagos but they had all lost their previous dwellings at Olowogbowo Balogun area and so needed a new place to settle. Their dwellings had already been taken over by freed slaves from Sierra Leone. To avoid trouble, King Dosunmu approached the then Aromire who owns the Lagos land to help provide Kosoko followers with virgin lands for dwelling. It was Aromire who gave the area known today as Epetedo area of Lagos Island to the returnees and Kosoko followers in 1862. They had landed on September 12 to the area known as Epe Street today. That’s why it was named Epe Street. Everyone picked their preferred location and formed the 21 Compounds/Courts known today as Epetedo, meaning Epe returnees settled here. Epetedo land is big though the area has witnessed some changes. It starts from Simpson Street, down to Adeniji, to swamp, to Alukotamo, to Olusi; but now since Eti has settled in Oke Popo Onipopo that slashed the land.

If all the returnees from Epe had arrived together, there would have been no Oke Popo but they had returned in batches. There were about 12 ships that transported the returnees but it was the first, second and third batches who formed Epetedo area. The ships were landing in batches. Others who came were the Eti, Oni Popo, Adamo Arole, Dada Anthonio. They formed another group and settled in Oke Popo. That’s why Epetedo cuts in through Simpson Street, down to Sura, Adeniji, Glover, Tokunbo, Igbosere. The Oke Popo group including Eti, Adeshina and others also was part of the returnee families. They all returned together with Kosoko. It was their arrival time that affected their settlements and current locations today. They settled upon arrival based on the available lands then as given by Aromire. The returnees were different professionals from different locations including warriors, clerics, blacksmith, herbalists etc. who had all came together to serve Kosoko and they all had their dwellings before fleeing and returning with Kosoko. The origin of Lafiaji is Tapa, for instance. The current land on which the LSDPC building stands today in Balogun area of Lagos Island was originally the Ajagun family house before they fled with Kosoko to Epe. The place was already occupied by the time they returned from Epe. All returnees had their dwelling places before fleeing and the area known as Epetedo today was a really thick bush behind the town uninhabited and desolate. Even Obalende was a thick jungle with wild animals. Nobody was living there. That’s why the land was given to the returnees who had lost their lands and were homeless. But they are still the same with all other descendants of Lagos.

So how does the Oshodi Tapa land ownership claim surface?

Oshodi Tapa is not the owner of Epetedo. He may be a leader for Kosoko followers. Maybe because of his relationship with King Eshinlokun. It was Oba Eshinlokun who bought Oshodi Tapa and Dada Anthonio in Badagry during the slave trade. Eshinlokun was the father to Kosoko and co. Many available records show that King Eshinlokun bought Oshodi Tapa as a 6 year boy slave (The Consulate 1851 – 1861). There are many other records confirming this. He had lost his parents in a war in the North and was captured as a Nupe slave boy and taken to Badagry where he cried out ‘landuji’ from the slave ships to King Eshinlokun. The King then ordered that he be bought and he paid the fees for the slave boy and took him to his palace to live with him as a slave. Subsequently, Landuji has been verified and interpreted to mean ‘buy me and make me your child.’ in Nupe language. There is no place in Tapa land or name or any other word like that anywhere else. Eshinlokun also bought Dada Anthonio and put both slaves to live with him and the royal family. Oshodi Tapa was then raised with the princes and princesses as a slave.

Later on in the booming days of slave trade, the European slave merchants advised King Eshinlokun to allow some of his children travel with them to Europe to learn foreign languages and trading skills. This, they said, would ease language barrier and boost slave trade. Worried that it may be a dangerous journey of no return, the king’s wives disallowed any of the princes to travel to Europe. Oshodi Tapa and Dada Anthonio being slaves were then sent to Europe. Oshodi later returned as a learned man and became influential because of his important role as interpreter to the foreign merchants and the love that Eshinlokun showed him as one of his warriors. That was how he became very relevant. This is well confirmed by many books including The Consulate, Lawson, and history of Lagos by Folami.

Following the death of Eshinlokun, Kosoko inherited his father’s chiefs and warriors including Oshodi. But in the Kosoko Army, there were many captains and warriors including Eti, Mogaji, and Ope. It was not just Oshodi. All of them had different powers. For example, Eti has special powers especially in darkness; Aina Oluwo Jakande had been an Ifa priest to King Eshinlokun long before Kosoko became a king so how can he be a slave to Oshodi? They all loved and supported Kosoko. Slave trade has been abolished before Kosoko returned with Oshodi and others, how could they still be Oshodi slaves? There are terrible misconceptions about who is a slave. A chief can grant a space for a sojourner to live and become his overlord. Does that make him a slave bought from the market? A spiritually afflicted person, prison escapee or one who escaped from a sacked community also do seek help from wealthy personalities and chiefs and thus become submissive to him and run errands. The chief’s children may mistake such for a slave. Does that make him a slave? A slave is only one bought with money in an exchange or captured. So, how did all Epetedo people become Oshodi’s slaves? Where and when did he buy them? There are some Eshinlokun slaves inherited by Kosoko who followed him to Epe. Some of these slaves are traced to the Ogun Oloko family today but they are not even slaves to Oshodi. How can all be Oshodi slaves? For example, Oshodi has land in Eti Osa, Mogaji has land in Ogudu, and many others have their family lands on the mainland where they farm which was given to them to compensate for the lands lost at Olowogbowo apart from their Epetedo compounds, how can that be for slaves? Oshodi is also not an Idejo. There is no Idejo in Epetedo so nobody can claim any superiority over others. Even the Oba of Lagos is not an Idejo. Whoever is not an Idejo cannot claim anybody’s land except what is given. Eletu Odibo is not an idejo but the Abule Oja and a part of Abule Ijesha land was given as a gift to Eletu Odibo as a chief; Asogbon also has lands in Makoko. Chiefs have lands given to them where they lay claim to across Lagos but they are not Idejos. So Epetedo is 21 Compounds and only two is for Oshodi. Oshodi is only representing government and the community as head but does not own the lands. That was why Oshodi’s first heir and successor, Feyisetan during whose time trouble started in 1894 with the Ajagun family, who lost to Obayomi Ajagun at Supreme Court on 24 March 1894 over the same spurious claim of land ownership through Grant in Trust. The judgment records are available. Same with Ogun Oloko family at the Supreme Court where Christopher Olasehinde Oshodi lost on July 3, 1946 over same land possession claim. The fathers failed then now the children are at it again.

The children are not warriors and were not present during the time with their fathers. Some of these children don’t even own any property in Epetedo. They just stand as guarantee for some Compounds by the virtue of their lineage and the father’s popular name to represent others way back. So, the claims are absurd and ridiculous. Clearly, the Crown Grant was for each Occupiers of the land in 1969. In fact, in some of the 21 Compounds, the name used for the independent Crown Grant represents the group in the compound and not necessarily the owner family alone. Though some name represents the single family owner e.g. the Mogajis. But some Crown Grants were granted for joint ownerships within each Compound.

Despite These Facts, Why Are Oshodi Tapa Family Still Bent on Grabbing Lands in Epetedo?

When the Oshodis started encroaching on other Compounds in Epetedo, it led to court litigations. The Oshodis lost some and won some. This led to the setting-up of a tribunal or a panel on lands. This was first was in 1937, and later 1947. For the Customary Law that the Oshodis insist empower them as Chiefs, there is no document or serious backing. As they are chiefs, so are many others. Jakande, Ajagun and Mogaji are chiefs too! And according to the Crown Grants, the occupiers are independent owners! But the Oshodis claim they put people in the compound as their overlords without any evidence. So at a time the problem stopped with land enfranchisement issued. But there were some lands outside the compounds, so government said in the land Ordinance that Oshodi should represent government and collect simple fee like land use and if not collected, it should be paid to government. But Oshodis have no rights to eject anyone or forcefully occupy the property. But after a while the problem started again after those who understood the arrangement died. Some who don’t know the history well started the problems again. That’s why we had to revive the Epetedo Unions to solve the problems. There is a section in the land Ordinance that states clearly that Oshodi owns only two compounds – Akinyemi and Oshodi; in fact, Oshodi is not the name on the Crown Grant but Amore (one of Oshodi’s children) was used for Akinyemi and Feyisetan for Oshodi Court. Feyisetan was the ruling leader of the Oshodi family when the Crown Grant was issued. It was after the death of the first Oshodi. If Oshodi Tapa was the owner of Epetedo, his name would have been used to issue all the Crown Grants. But everyone has a space. He was only a leader. Presently, there are many court cases on the land issue and the King of Lagos is also aware. Presentations and submissions have been made to the Oba and his traditional council. Some have been checkmated while some still lingering. Even the Oba of Lagos does not agree with the violent land and property grabbing misconducts of the Oshodis. Police have also tried to maintain peace and encouraged aggrieved parties to seek redress in courts.

Looking at the constitution over lands matter, former Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo in 1978 nullified land Ordinance. In fact, government owns all lands according to Obasanjo 1978 decree. The provision is that anybody who has not paid simple fee or land use to anyone apart from government for 12 years cannot just be chased away overnight. This supersedes all previous laws as applicable and so anyone who has been paying tax to government for years cannot just be suddenly displaced by an invader. Backed with this decree, government acquired many lands in 1962 including the land currently hosting UNILAG, UI, OAU etc. and then compensated the owners. If government can do that and compensate, how could you then suddenly come after over 100 years to claim a land and chase away the occupiers? The case will still get to court for proper review to avoid crisis similar to Ife/Modakeke. Presently, some people are still being harassed because some of the houses don’t have other documents than the Crown Grants. This superiority agenda is setting back Epetedo. In fact, it’s just getting better now. They once imposed outsiders on Epetedo as Council Chairman, House or Representatives etc. It’s that bad. For example; Bashua falls into Islale Eko, not Epetedo. Because someone is insisting that others are slaves. And that’s the real slave. It’s illegal to call anyone a slave. King Docemo has since ceded Lagos to the Queen, so nobody should call anyone a slave. That was what led to the ouster of Kosoko in 1851 in the first instance.

What Moves Has Epetedo Union Made to Create Enlightenments and Reconcile The Parties For Progress?

It’s not all of Oshodi families that have the erroneous superiority mindset or indulge in land grabbing acts. Some of them neither like nor support it. They are divided too. Some Oshodi children belong to Epetedo Union and are solidly against the illegalities. During the 150 year anniversary of the Mogaji Central Mosque in 2015, we published a magazine that chronicles the true story, accounts and authentic history of Epetedo as never told recently but in consonance with the true accounts of old key actors and witnesses who wrote about the issue decades and over a century ago. We delved deeply into how Epetedo started and the treaty that was signed and all the key actors and not just Oshodi. The goal was to create deeper awareness and enlightenment, and clarify grey areas for those who are willing to embrace the truth. Epetedo Union is also making moves for more publications and awareness creation opportunities to further educate everyone on the issue, foster better understanding, unity and progress. It is inappropriate for some Epetedo people to call themselves indigenes in view of our history? Indigene is a wrong word. Descendant is the correct word. Are we different from Lafiaji, Isale Eko, Olowogbowo or Oke Popo? We are same with all others in Lagos. We left during war and returned so we are one with all other Lagosians.

Is Lagos Government Aware and How has Government Intervened?

We have deliberately held on until now to allow us start by firstly involving the Oba of Lagos. Oba has been on the case and that was why we didn’t involve state government yet. As it is, we will be taking more drastic steps including involving state government and Attorney-General in 2021 by writing them with the list of the properties wrongly grabbed. We wanted to start by lodging all complaints to the King first since government will also ask for the King’s position. He is also an Authority. So, it’s right to have started by involving the King and the Council first.

What are The Positions of Aromire and Kosoko Families on This Issue?

The Aromire and Kosoko Families are unhappy with Oshodi family over this issue. During our Epetedo Union 90 year’s anniversary, we invited and honoured the Aromire and Kosoko Family chiefs. They attended and both frowned at the activities of the Oshodi family. In fact, a direct son of Kosoko who was his last born wrote a letter to the British in 1943 clarifying that Epetedo does not belong to Oshodi but all the 21 compounds. That was through a letter written by Chief Momodu Oteniya Kosoko to the Commissioner of the Colony’s Office in Marina Lagos dated March 9th, in 1943. Even the Aromire insisted that they gave the lands to King Docemo who gave it to us. So, when we write the state government on the issue, we will write Kosoko and Aromire families and invite them to be involved if the government will be setting up a Panel or Tribunal to investigate the issue and find lasting solutions.

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Enough Is Enough”: Elem Kalabari Rises Against Decades of Injustice, Women Stage Peaceful Protest

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Enough Is Enough”: Elem Kalabari Rises Against Decades of Injustice, Women Stage Peaceful Protest

By: Al Humphrey Onyanabo

 

For decades, Elem Kalabari has borne the burden of Nigeria’s oil wealth without tasting its benefits. Its rivers have carried crude oil to the Atlantic; its land has hosted pipelines, flow stations, and gas facilities; its people have inhaled fumes, watched their waters darken, and their livelihoods collapse.

 

Yet opportunity, justice, and inclusion have consistently flowed elsewhere. On Monday February 2, 2026, that long-suppressed pain found a powerful voice.

 

Defying a heavy morning downpour, hundreds of women from Elem Kalabari poured into the Cawthorne Channel 2 Jetty in what many now describe as the “Mother of All Protests.”

It was peaceful, disciplined, and resolute—but unmistakably firm.

 

This was not noise. It was a declaration. Placards told the story words alone could not fully carry: “We Carry the Burden, They Take the Benefits.”

 

“Our Sacrifice, Their Gain: When Will Elem-Kalabari See Justice?”

 

“Local Content Law Violated: Kalabari Demands First Right of Refusal.”At the heart of the protest lies a single, bitter truth: exclusion has become systemic.

 

A Broken Promise in OML 18

 

The immediate trigger was the recent award of the OML 18 pipeline security and surveillance contract by NNPC Eighteen Limited to Manton Engineering Limited—a company neither from Elem Kalabari, nor from Rivers State.

 

To the protesting women, this was not merely an administrative decision. It was another chapter in a long history of betrayal.

 

Under Nigeria’s Local Content Law and the Petroleum Industry Act, host communities are guaranteed the right of first refusal in contracts directly affecting their territory. Yet this right, the women insist, was ignored.

 

Even more troubling is the contradiction embedded in the law itself. Section 257(2) of the Petroleum Industry Act places responsibility for sabotage on host communities—yet when it comes to securing their own territory, those same communities are excluded. “How can a people be blamed for insecurity,” one protester asked, “and then denied the right to secure their own land?”

 

Rivers That Carry Wealth, Communities That Carry Pain

 

Elem Kalabari is not just another oil-bearing community. It is the export artery of OML 18.

 

Crude oil from Cawthorne Channels 1, 2, and 3, Awoba, and Krakrama is evacuated exclusively through Elem Kalabari waterways to the Atlantic Ocean. Without these rivers, there would be no barging route—no export. Yet the women revealed a staggering injustice: none of the vessels used in these daily operations belong to Elem Kalabari. None belong to Kalabari people. None even belong to Rivers State. No courtesy visits. No engagement with the Amanyanabo. No sense of obligation to the host community—despite operations generating millions of dollars daily.

 

“What flows through our waters enriches others,” said a woman leader “But when it comes to opportunity, our people are treated as strangers on their own land.”

 

Educated Children, Locked-Out Futures

 

Perhaps the most painful testimony came when the women spoke of their children. Many told stories of sacrifice—years of trading, fishing, and borrowing to send sons and daughters to universities—only for those graduates to return home unemployed, watching companies operate profitably on their ancestral land.

 

Those fortunate enough to secure employment fared little better.

 

Workers who had previously been full staff under the former operator, Eroton, were reportedly downgraded to contract staff under NNPC Eighteen Limited. Their pay dropped. Job security vanished.

 

Working conditions worsened.

 

In what the women described as the ultimate insult, workers allegedly brought in from Lagos were trained by these local employees—only for the trainees to be offered permanent roles, while the locals remained on contract.“It is not just unfair,” one woman said quietly. “It is humiliating.”

 

Environmental Destruction, Official Silence

 

While contracts and jobs disappear, pollution remains. Oil contamination has been reported repeatedly in Mbi-Ama, Moni-Kiri, Portuguese Kiri, and Jacob-Ama—areas affected by constant barging and operational discharge. Marine life has dwindled. Fishing yields have collapsed. Mangroves continue to die.

 

Reports have been filed. Complaints have been made. Yet regulatory agencies, mandated to investigate and sanction offenders, have taken little or no meaningful action. To the women, this silence feels like complicity. A First-Hand Account of Despair.

 

A First Encounter with Abandonment

 

My first visit to Elem Kalabari on 1st January, 2025 remains a haunting reminder of how thoroughly a people can be forgotten in the midst of plenty.

 

I visited in the company of The Amanyanabo of Elem Kalabari, Da Amakiri Tubo, Alhaji Mujahid Abubarkr Dokubo-Asari, Dabaye Amakiri 1. It was on January 1st 2025, the day after he received the staff of office from Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

 

What we met was not a community benefiting from decades of oil extraction, but a landscape of utter devastation, neglect, and grinding poverty.

Elem Kalabari was wrapped in darkness—total, suffocating darkness. There was no public electricity, no streetlights, not even basic solar lamps that have become commonplace in remote settlements across the Niger Delta. Night fell early, and with it came an overwhelming sense of isolation, as though the community had been cut off not only from development, but from national consciousness itself.

 

There were no schools to nurture young minds.

There were no clinics to tend to the sick, the pregnant, or the elderly.

There was no market, no organised economic space, no visible engine of local commerce.

 

What stood in place of social infrastructure was emptiness—broken structures, abandoned land, and a silence that spoke of long years of disappointment. This was a community sitting at the heart of Nigeria’s oil wealth, yet living as though the nation’s prosperity flowed around it, never through it.

 

It became painfully clear that the oil companies operating in and around Elem Kalabari had taken the people for granted for far too long. Their pipelines crisscross the land, their barges dominate the waterways, their wealth moves daily through Kalabari rivers—yet the human beings who bear the environmental cost have been left with nothing to show for it.

 

That visit stripped away any illusion. It revealed a truth the women of Elem Kalabari now proclaim with courage and clarity: neglect has become policy, and exclusion has been normalised. What we saw was not underdevelopment by accident, but abandonment by design.

And today, the people—especially the women—are saying with one voice: enough is enough.

 

At night sitting on the jetty, surrounded by mosquitoes in search of cellular network, I saw across the sea, vessels loading crude oil, I watched as others left. I saw the gas flares… It was a sight.

 

A Line Drawn in the Sand

 

The women have vowed to sustain their protest until justice is done. They have warned that if ignored, they will escalate actions, including shutting down operations at the flow station.

 

For Elem Kalabari, this moment marks a turning point.

 

After decades of neglect, the people are no longer whispering their pain. They are standing, together, and saying clearly—to government, to corporations, and to the nation:

 

Enough is enough.

 

There needs no telling. This is the first of many protests that will happen. The people have their backs to the wall and can’t take it no more. I can’t blame them, they have suffered for too long.

 

Enough Is Enough”: Elem Kalabari Rises Against Decades of Injustice, Women Stage Peaceful Protest

By: Al Humphrey Onyanabo

 

By: Al Humphrey Onyanabo,

 

The PEN

Tel: 08109975621

Email: [email protected]

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Tension in the Skies: U.S. Fighter Jet Shoots Down Iranian Drone in Arabian Sea

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Tension in the Skies: U.S. Fighter Jet Shoots Down Iranian Drone in Arabian Sea

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

 

“An In-Depth Examination of the Strategic Clash, Its Regional Context, and What This Means for Middle East Stability.”

 

In a dramatic escalation that reverberates across the volatile geopolitical landscape of the Middle East, a United States fighter jet has intercepted and destroyed an Iranian military drone that was approaching the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier in the Arabian Sea. The event has once again thrust U.S.–Iran tensions into the global spotlight, revealing both the raw edges of strategic competition and the profound risks inherent in the world’s most sensitive maritime corridors.

 

According to the U.S. military’s Central Command, the unmanned aerial vehicle in question was a Shahed-139 drone, a type of Iranian reconnaissance and attack drone that has been increasingly deployed by Tehran in recent years. The drone’s flight toward the warship was described as aggressive and of unclear intent, prompting a U.S. F-35C fighter jet (embarked on the Abraham Lincoln) to engage and destroy it in self-defense. No U.S. personnel were harmed and no equipment was damaged during the encounter.

The Strategic Backdrop: A Region on Edge.

The Arabian Sea, situated between the Gulf of Oman and the broader Indian Ocean, has become a flashpoint in recent months as geopolitical tensions between Washington and Tehran have surged. The United States, under the current administration, has deployed significant naval and aerial assets to the region in response to a series of provocations and concerns over Iran’s nuclear ambitions and domestic repression. The Abraham Lincoln and its strike group represent the most visible component of that buildup, intended officially to deter hostile actions and protect sea lanes that carry a significant proportion of the world’s energy supply.

 

For Iran, the deployment of drones and asymmetric naval forces; such as swift patrol boats operated by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which serves as a strategic counterweight to U.S. military superiority. Drones like the Shahed-139 can operate at long ranges, surveil maritime traffic and potentially be armed, making them an appealing tool for Iran to project power in international waters while avoiding overt escalation.

 

A Sequence of Confrontations.

The shootdown did not occur in isolation. Hours earlier, the U.S. military reported that IRGC forces harassed the U.S.-flagged merchant vessel M/V Stena Imperative in the narrow Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which a large percentage of global oil shipments pass. Two fast patrol boats and an Iranian Mohajer drone approached the tanker at high speed and appeared to threaten boarding or seizure, forcing the guided-missile destroyer USS McFaul and accompanying air support to intervene and ensure the ship’s safe passage.

 

This sequence of collisions (drones heading toward a major capital warship and smaller Iranian craft closing in on a civilian vessel) underscores just how easily miscalculation could spiral into open conflict. It evokes broader questions about freedom of navigation, the security of international waters, and the rules governing naval and aerial encounters among adversaries.

 

Voices From the Frontlines of Policy and Strategy.

To add intellectual weight to the analysis of this incident, it is essential to consider the interpretations of respected scholars and security experts who have long studied U.S.–Iran strategic dynamics.

 

Dr. Karim Sadjadpour, a senior fellow at a leading international policy think tank, argues that “the interception of this Iranian drone highlights the growing role of unmanned systems in strategic deterrence. Iran views these systems as force multipliers that allow it to contest superior naval forces at a lower threshold of direct conflict. However, this calculus is fraught with danger because it creates ambiguity about intent that can easily be misread under high tension.”

 

Echoing this concern, Professor Emma Sky, an expert in Middle Eastern security affairs, says, “What we are witnessing is not simply a tactical engagement; it is a symptom of deeper structural tensions. The United States and Iran are locked in a cycle where military posturing and strategic signaling substitute for diplomacy. Without clear communication channels and trusted negotiation frameworks, these kinds of encounters risk igniting a broader confrontation that neither side truly wants.”

 

These perspectives underscore that the shootdown is far more than a momentary flashpoint. it is a window into a broader strategic rivalry with implications for regional peace, global trade and international law.

Historical Context and the Legacy of Miscalculations.

The specter of past incidents looms large over contemporary events. History offers sobering reminders of how aerial and naval engagements can escalate with devastating consequences. One of the most infamous examples was the downing of Iran Air Flight 655 in 1988, when a U.S. Navy warship mistakenly shot down a civilian airliner over the Strait of Hormuz, killing all passengers and crew. That tragedy has remained a touchstone in U.S.–Iran relations and continues to inform how both sides view rules of engagement and the risks of misidentification in crowded maritime airspace.

 

More recently, in 2019, Iran shot down a U.S. surveillance drone over the Strait of Hormuz, claiming it had violated Iranian airspace, a claim rejected by Washington. That event brought the two nations to the brink of retaliatory strikes before cooler heads prevailed.

 

These historical precedents frame the latest shootdown as not merely an isolated act of defense, but part of an enduring pattern of shadow boxing between two powerful adversaries whose missteps can have outsized consequences.

 

Diplomacy Amidst Tension: Negotiations Continue.

Despite the military flare-ups, diplomatic currents are still flowing. Officials from both countries have indicated that negotiations remain scheduled, with discussions focusing principally on nuclear issues and broader security concerns. Tehran has proposed shifting the venue of talks to Oman and emphasizing bilateral rather than multilateral engagement. Washington, for its part, has maintained that diplomacy is preferable to conflict but that it reserves the right to act in defense of its forces and interests.

 

Ali Larijani, a senior Iranian statesman, recently commented that “Iran desires peace and stability, especially in our region. But peace must be rooted in fairness, respect for sovereign rights, and a mutual recognition of security concerns.” At the same time, U.S. officials have reiterated that freedom of navigation and the protection of commercial shipping are non-negotiable principles of international order.

 

What This Means for Regional Stability.

The implications of this shootdown extend well beyond a single drone or a single aircraft carrier. It underscores the delicate balance of power in the Middle East, where strategic competition between the United States and Iran plays out not only in boardrooms and negotiation halls, but in the skies and seas that connect continents.

 

For regional actors, from Gulf states to North African capitals, these events reinforce the urgency of diversified security frameworks that reduce reliance on unilateral military actions and encourage collective approaches to maritime safety. For global actors concerned about energy markets, commerce, and geopolitical stability, the incident is a stark reminder that conflict in this part of the world can have ripple effects far beyond its shores.

 

Summative

 

The downing of an Iranian drone by a U.S. fighter jet near the USS Abraham Lincoln is far more than a tactical military engagement, it is a stark symbol of the entrenched tensions between Washington and Tehran, and a testament to how easily localized confrontations can escalate into broader strategic crises. While diplomacy persists, the fragile equilibrium that holds the Middle East together is under test. As scholars and policymakers continue to debate pathways toward peace, one truth remains clear: without sustained dialogue, mutual restraint, and robust mechanisms to manage friction, such episodes will continue to shape the future of international security with unpredictable consequences.

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Malam Olawale Rasheed marks his birthday celebration in grand manner

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Malam Olawale Rasheed marks his birthday celebration in grand manner

…A truly resourceful man

~By Oluwaseun Fabiyi 

Oluwaseun Fabiyi, a Lagos-based journalist and publisher of BethNews Media International Magazine, celebrates the birthday of Mallam Olawale Rasheed, official spokesperson for Governor Ademola Adeleke

 

On the occasion of his birthday, Mallam Olawale Rasheed was praised by award-winning publisher Oluwaseun Fabiyi for his outstanding qualities

 

In a statement released on February 2, 2026, Oluwaseun Fabiyi lauded Mallam Olawale Rasheed as a visionary leader whose impact will endure over time. The statement read: ‘Today marks a celebration of your life and the lasting influence you’ve imprinted. As a skilled spokesperson for the Osun State governor and a driving force in community development through media, your exceptional leadership has empowered the growth of numerous individuals, including ourselves, in Osun State.’

 

Your trailblazing spirit and commitment to excellence inspire the young minds of our era, shining brightly like a guiding star. With leadership expertise honed through diverse experiences both abroad and in Nigeria, you embody resilience, ingenuity, and a steadfast commitment to achieving remarkable growth.Your determination and resilience have inspired us all, transforming obstacles into opportunities and turning your vision into reality, thereby enriching our shared experiences; we are grateful for the privilege of celebrating your achievements.

 

In celebration of your prudent leadership and the divine guidance you receive, may your forthcoming days be marked by triumph and rapid progress.With humility and brilliance defining your architectural masterpieces, you set a high standard for excellence. May your birthday be a celebration of past successes and a precursor to even greater accomplishments, guided by divine wisdom and filled with peace. Wishing you many happy returns Sir!

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