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‘Real reasons I’m unable to pay up salaries’ – Governor Fayose reveals

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EKITI State Governor, Ayodele Fayose, has said the state government will pay workers who are not on strike their salary from the little monthly allocation that came from Abuja this month.

 

Fayose also opined that embarking on strike is not the solution to the poor resources available to the government that has led to irregular payment of salary in the last few months.

He stated this while featuring on an interview programme on radio and television stations in Ado-Ekiti.

In a statement by the Governor’s Chief Press Secretary, Idowu Adelusi, on Saturday, Fayose noted that the state was handicapped by the continuous slide in statutory allocations coming to it and the general economic recession in the country.

He was quoted as having said: “For the April allocation shared in May, we got N752 million, while our wage bill is N2.6 billion monthly.

“The previous month we got a little over N1 billion and that has been the trend since last year.

“We have had to combine two monthly allocations to be able to pay a month salary, but since the beginning of this year, it is that three allocations are not even enough to pay a month’s salary.

“When you compare what we got from January to May, 2015 and what we got in the same period this year, we have a shortfall of over N6 billion.

“Some are talking about our internally generated revenue, there is nothing to hide.

“All the records are there for all to see and I have always told labour leaders to go and verify.

“The highest we have recorded is N302 million a month.

“There was a month we had N181 million.

“Since I assumed office, every month the allocation paper comes from Abuja, a committee made up of labour leaders and other stakeholders has been the one sharing whatever comes among all sectors.

“If I am not hiding anything from labour leaders and workers, I expect them to understand.

“I feel their pain, but there is limit to what I can do in this type of situation.

“Workers at the Ekiti State University Teaching Hospital under the auspices of JOHESU have written that they are not on strike and people like will be paid from what came from Abuja.

“Since I have no power to stop workers from going on strike, I wish them well, but we need to understand what the situation is like.

“They cannot say that I have not consistently been alerting Nigerians since late last year that a time like this is coming.

“In fact, the next allocation may be smaller than the one we are complaining about now.”

Governor Fayose said the economic situation of th‎e state was worsened by the indiscriminate borrowing the former Governor Kayode Fayemi administration embarked upon.

He said: “The N25 billion they raised from the capital market, the nearly N30 billion commercial loans, the UBEC, water scheme, fertilizer and other loans they incurred, led to the deduction of about N1 billion from our allocations monthly.

“Where were the labour and their leaders when t‎hey were borrowing all these monies?

“I reiterate again that no administration should be allowed to borrow beyond its tenure.”

On the staff audit conducted by the government last year, Fayose stated that 315 ghost workers were detected through the exercise and that the report would soon be made public.

The governor called on the Federal Government to use dialogue to resolve the Niger Delta issue and stem the tide of incessant bombing of oil facilities that is impending the flow of revenue to the nation’s coffers.

 

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One Picture, One Dream: How Barth Nwibe Rose from Anambra Soil to Global Oil Success”

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One Picture, One Dream: How Barth Nwibe Rose from Anambra Soil to Global Oil Success”

“From Village Dust to Oil Dollars: How One Photo Turned Barth Nwibe Into Nigeria’s Oilfield Giant”


A single image in an old magazine changed everything.

That’s the incredible testimony of engineer and oil mogul Barth Nwibe, who rose from a modest childhood in rural Anambra to become the founder of SEGOFS Energy, Nigeria’s foremost independent oilfield servicing firm. Now preparing to unveil a ₦3 billion AI-powered diagnostic centre in Awka, Nwibe says his transformation began not in a boardroom—but with a picture.

“I saw a Black man in a hard hat, working at MIT. That moment, I knew engineering was my path,” he told journalists in a riveting interview. “I turned away from medicine and pursued what truly spoke to me.”

From Ifite Primary School in Igbo-Ukwu to Christ the King College, Onitsha, and eventually UNN, Nwibe’s life reads like a masterclass in grit, vision, and divine alignment. His story—marked by stints at Halliburton, Schlumberger, Shell, and Baker Hughes—culminated in 2006 with the launch of SEGOFS, now a Nigerian powerhouse delivering cutting-edge upstream oil services once monopolized by global giants.

“We’re the only indigenous firm doing this independently in Nigeria,” he stated. “We’ve matched and in some cases surpassed international standards.”

But Nwibe’s vision transcends oil. After losing his mother to a stroke that wasn’t diagnosed early enough, he was inspired to build a world-class AI diagnostic facility in Anambra to combat healthcare inadequacies. “If we had diagnosed her earlier, she might still be alive,” he said emotionally.

Construction of the center, equipped to rival Indian and U.S. facilities, is already at roofing stage. “From Awka, we’ll deliver tests once exclusive to foreign hospitals. We’re training staff, we’re ordering machines, we’re doing this for our people.”

The Ugo-Igboukwu Foundation, his philanthropic arm, continues to fund education for hundreds of underprivileged children, while his political ambition—though temporarily stalled—is very much alive. “When the people are ready for real leadership, I’ll be ready,” he stated.

A recipient of the Anambra Man of the Year Award 2025, Nwibe remains sharply critical of Nigeria’s political and economic dysfunction. “Until the elite step into politics with a clear vision, we’ll keep going in circles. Anambra can power its economy with gas—real, sustainable gas—and transform lives overnight.”

With a foot in business, philanthropy, and public service, Barth Nwibe is building more than companies—he’s building a legacy.

“There’s no shortcut to success. No rituals. No magic. Just hard work, vision, and staying ready when the picture of your destiny shows up.”

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Union Bank Rewards Customers with Motorcycles, Cash Prizes in 3rd Save and Win Palli Promo 4 Monthly Draw

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Union Bank Rewards Customers with Motorcycles, Cash Prizes in 3rd Save and Win Palli Promo 4 Monthly Draw

Lagos, Nigeria— Union Bank of Nigeria has rewarded another set of customers in the ongoing Save and Win Palli Promo 4 campaign. Six lucky customers each won a brand-new motorcycle, and 120 additional winners won cash prizes.
The third monthly hybrid live draws were transparently conducted at the Bank’s Sabo, Yaba Branch in Lagos under the supervision of relevant regulatory institutions. For integrity purposes, some of the winners were contacted to congratulate and remind them that the Bank will never call to request or confirm their confidential banking details such as BVN, date of birth, pins, or passwords.

 

Save & Win Palli Promo 4 is a nationwide campaign designed to reward both new and existing customers with cash prizes and other exciting gifts worth N131,000,000. This initiative aims to support them in achieving their savings goals while getting rewarded at the same time.

 

To stand a chance to win, customers can continue to top up their savings in multiples of N10,000 or more and perform a minimum of five transactions a month to increase their chances of winning in the draws. This promo is open to new and existing savings and current account holders.

Prospective customers can download the UnionMobile app on their smartphones to open accounts or walk into any Union Bank branch. Returning customers can call the 24-hour Contact Centre on 07007007000 or visit any Union Bank branch nationwide to reactivate dormant accounts.

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Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again

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Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, elected in 2023 on the wings of political calculation and elite manipulation, has now found himself caught in the snare of Nigeria’s enduring historical curse: the north-south divide. His ambitious economic reform agenda, intended to liberalize the economy, remove structural inefficiencies, and reduce government expenditure—has hit a legislative wall. But this isn’t just about policy. This is about power, patronage, and the ancient scars of a fractured federation.

The rejection of critical aspects of Tinubu’s economic proposals by lawmakers is a stinging rebuke, not only to his administration but to the very idea that Nigeria can be reformed from the top down without confronting its structural imbalances. In many ways, Tinubu’s presidency is now facing the same nightmare that has haunted every Nigerian leader since independence: how do you govern a country that was never truly united?

The Crumbling Reform Agenda
At the center of the storm is Tinubu’s proposal to centralize and streamline federal subsidies and remove what he termed “wasteful duplication of agencies.” This was meant to continue the subsidy removal narrative started in June 2023, and reduce fiscal leakage. However, the backlash, particularly from legislators representing the northern states, was swift and coordinated.

The northern bloc, comprising lawmakers from Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Borno, objected on the grounds that Tinubu’s proposals disproportionately affect their regions, where federal allocation remains a critical lifeline in the absence of strong internally generated revenue. But critics argue this is a strategic form of sabotage, aimed at retaining an unsustainable status quo that prioritizes political patronage over national progress.

Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

As Prof. Wale Adebanwi of Oxford University has argued, “Nigeria’s northern elite have historically benefited from the spoils of a rentier state, with oil wealth redistributed without the burden of productive contribution. Any move to reverse this equation is seen as existential.”

Tinubu, a southerner from Lagos, with strong Christian support from the Southwest and Southeast, is now facing the very brick wall that has impeded reforms since the First Republic. His own political survival now depends on how much compromise he’s willing to make—or whether he can break the mold entirely.

A Century-Old Fracture
The rejection of Tinubu’s reforms by northern lawmakers is not new. It is deeply rooted in a century-old tension embedded in the structure of the Nigerian state. The 1914 amalgamation, engineered by British colonialists, fused two vastly different regions, the industrializing, Western-educated Christian south and the feudal, Islamic north, into one artificial political entity.

From independence in 1960, this contradiction has remained unresolved. “Nigeria was created not to function as a cohesive nation, but as an economic convenience for its colonial masters,” noted historian Max Siollun. “What we’re seeing is the consequence of a nation built on convenience rather than consensus.”

The economic priorities of the north and south remain deeply divergent. While the south boasts ports, oil revenue, industries, and a growing tech sector, the north has remained largely agrarian, dependent on federal allocations and political appointments. Any attempt to tamper with this redistribution—whether via subsidy removal or cuts in federal spending, provokes immediate resistance.

Reform vs. Redistribution
Tinubu’s administration promised reforms: subsidy removal, tax reform, and investment in critical infrastructure. But all reforms require sacrifices, and those sacrifices must be nationally distributed to succeed. What Tinubu is discovering, painfully, is that reforms without inclusive buy-in are dead on arrival.

Economist Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili captured the challenge succinctly: “Nigeria’s political economy is structured around the sharing of oil rents, not the creation of wealth. Any attempt to disrupt this structure will provoke fierce opposition from those who depend on the current dysfunction for survival.”

Indeed, the loudest resistance to Tinubu’s reforms has come not from the opposition PDP or Labour Party, but from within his own APC, particularly from northern senators and representatives who feel alienated by the president’s southern-centric economic vision.

The Ghost of Buhari
Many Nigerians are now drawing comparisons between Tinubu’s presidency and that of his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, a northern Muslim who governed with overwhelming support from the north. Buhari’s policies favored heavy spending, a bloated civil service, and minimal economic restructuring, a model that created illusions of stability while deepening the economic rot.

“Buhari governed like a tribal chief, rewarding loyalty over competence, and expanding a culture of dependency,” said Prof. Kingsley Moghalu, former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank. “Tinubu’s efforts to break away from that legacy will require courage, strategy, and above all, an appeal to national interest.”

But appealing to national interest in Nigeria is easier said than done. The political class thrives on division. The north fears marginalization, the south resents over-centralization, and the middle belt remains trapped in identity crises. Tinubu, in failing to build a coalition around his reforms, is now paying the price of elite disunity.

The Danger of Ethno-Political Paralysis
The rejection of Tinubu’s agenda is not just a political problem, it is an economic time bomb. Nigeria is drowning in debt, with over 90% of its revenue now going to debt servicing. Inflation is running rampant, the naira has crashed, and unemployment remains alarmingly high. The country cannot afford to maintain the current level of government spending without reform.

But if every economic policy must first pass the tribal test, then reform is doomed. “A nation that filters every economic decision through the lens of ethnicity is a nation marching toward collapse,” warned Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka. “If Nigeria cannot rise above its primordial divisions, it cannot survive the 21st century.”

What Next for Tinubu?
Tinubu’s next steps are critical. Will he revise his reforms to appease northern lawmakers and keep the political peace? Or will he double down, use executive power, and mobilize the Nigerian people behind a populist push for structural change?

There is a middle path, dialogue, renegotiation of the federal structure, and regional empowerment. Many have called for fiscal federalism, where regions generate and control their own revenues, sending only a fraction to the center. This model, already practiced in countries like Canada and the United States, could reduce the perennial tension around federal allocation.

Political economist Ayo Teriba suggests, “Nigeria must move away from revenue-sharing to revenue-generation. That shift requires not just policy but a new national consensus, and that is where Tinubu must lead.”

In conclusion: Lead or Collapse
President Tinubu is at a crossroads. He can continue playing the dangerous game of balancing regional interests with national imperatives, or he can rise above the tribal chessboard and lead with boldness. The north-south divide is not just a historical relic, it is a living cancer that must be addressed through structural reform, not rhetorical appeasement.

The economic reform agenda is not a southern agenda. It is a Nigerian necessity. If lawmakers continue to sabotage reform because it threatens their regional comfort zones, then the entire nation will suffer. As the saying goes, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.”

In the end, Tinubu must decide: will he be a president of compromise, or a reformer of consequence?

Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

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