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Sambisa Bloodletting: When Boko Haram Turned Its Guns on ISWAP

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Sambisa Bloodletting: When Boko Haram Turned Its Guns on ISWAP.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

“The Deadly Turf War That Shakes the Lake Chad Basin.”

A new and grisly chapter has opened in Nigeria’s long-running insurgency; once bitter rivals in name only, Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) have for months been fighting not merely for recruits or haulage routes, but for outright territorial control. The latest and most savage manifestation of that internecine war erupted in and around Sambisa and the islands of the Lake Chad corridor, a cascade of assaults that left scores dead, dozens of boats seized and whole communities re-traumatised. Initial field accounts and media investigations put the toll at roughly two hundred militants killed in clashes over the weekend, with Boko Haram reported to have overrun several ISWAP camps and seized key naval assets.

That figure (horrific even in a conflict long accustomed to horror) must be read in context. The Lake Chad Basin has been a theatre of not only cross-border criminality and smuggling, but also of militant adaptation: riverine skirmishes, sudden amphibious raids and the seasonal ebb and flow of civilians and fighters. For years ISWAP and what remains of Boko Haram’s Shekau-loyal factions have alternated between cooperation, coexistence and murderous rivalry. The latest operations, however, were not mere hit-and-run attacks; they were coordinated attempts to seize island strongholds that generate revenue (through fishing taxes and illicit trade) and provide safe havens from military strikes.

Why this flare-up now matters (and why it should alarm us) boils down to three brutal facts. First, when jihadi factions fight each other, civilians pay the price: reprisals, forced displacements and collective punishments typically follow. Second, the victor in a factional fight can absorb weapons, boats and fighters; materially strengthening itself for renewed attacks on towns, garrisons and humanitarian convoys. Third, infighting makes conflict dynamics less predictable and therefore harder for security forces and relief agencies to plan for or to counter. For communities around Sambisa and the Lake Chad islands, the immediate consequence is the collapse of whatever fragile protection existed and a fresh round of displacement and hunger.
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On the ground, the fighting reportedly featured dozens of motorised canoes and heavily armed gunmen which is a reminder that the Lake Chad is no backwater but a strategic corridor. Reports say Boko Haram fighters swept across several ISWAP-held islands, capturing boats and weaponry and inflicting heavy casualties on ISWAP personnel. Local vigilante sources and intelligence leaks described scenes of charred camps and the frantic flight of surviving fighters toward mainland villages. If confirmed, the seizure of riverine assets is strategically significant: control of boats equals control of movement, supplies, taxation points and crucially, escape routes.

Scholars and analysts who have followed the jihadist evolution in north-east Nigeria warn that this is not a mere squabble among thugs; it is the latest phase of a long adaptive conflict. Vincent Foucher, a leading researcher on the Lake Chad jihadist landscape, captures the larger truth: “jihad in the Lake Chad Basin is here to stay.” The line is blunt, but the point is stark; these factions are resilient, they learn from one another and they exploit gaps in state capacity to regenerate. That resilience helps explain why gains against one group are often temporary and why civilian recovery remains painfully fragile.

A tactical victory for Boko Haram in Sambisa (if sustained) raises grave long-term risks. Where one faction consolidates, it does not merely defend borders: it governs, taxes and recruits. It also acquires the spoils of war, captured materiel and the bargaining chips of prisoners and local informants. ISWAP, by contrast, has built an internationalised technical edge in recent years, claiming sophisticated propaganda, reportedly better coordination with transnational ISIS networks and more disciplined battlefield practices. The competition between a predatory, territorially assertive Boko Haram and a bureaucratised, outward-looking ISWAP is not abstract: it shapes attack profiles, civilian targeting and the geography of violence.

What should the Nigerian state and regional partners do? First, stabilisation requires not only kinetic pressure but also rapid civilian protection and humanitarian access. Too often, military wins are undone by the absence of safe returns, reconstruction and meaningful local security arrangements. Second, the region needs sharper, coordinated intelligence (maritime and riverine surveillance in particular) to prevent future seizures of boats and to protect displaced fishing communities. Third, long-term deradicalisation and socio-economic investment in affected communities remain essential; without economic alternatives and credible local governance, the vacuum will be filled again. These are not novel prescriptions, but the Sambisa incidents make them urgent once more.

There is a cautionary counterpoint, too: factional fighting does not automatically benefit the state. When insurgents bleed each other, they can also become more ruthless or more opportunistic; consolidating areas where they can operate freely, or launching terror attacks to signal continued potency. The 2016 schism that birthed ISWAP taught analysts that fragmentation can produce new, more adaptive organisations rather than a longed-for weakening. That lesson is especially important for policymakers tempted to celebrate intra-militant carnage as a win.

For the ordinary people of Sambisa and the Lake Chad littoral, the technical arguments about strategy are cold comfort. Families who returned to their farms after government assurances now find themselves running again; fishermen who paid protection to one group discover their boats confiscated by another. Humanitarian agencies warn that renewed violence will reverse months of fragile progress: food stocks will run low, clinics will close and education (already the first casualty of this insurgency) will be postponed indefinitely. The indirect death toll from hunger, disease and interrupted health care will be the slow, shameful shadow of this weekend’s headlines.

Finally, the Sambisa clashes are a reminder that Nigeria’s security challenge is not merely military but political. Long-term peace will not be won by force alone. It requires the restoration of state legitimacy, accountable local governance, economic opportunity and regional cooperation across Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroon. Until those building blocks are in place, the islands of Lake Chad will remain prize and prey in equal measure and Sambisa will keep teaching the same brutal lesson: in a failed security market, violence simply repackages itself. As Vincent Foucher warns, the jihadist presence here is unlikely to vanish quietly; the only question is whether a savage contest for spoils will give way to yet another calibrated threat to civilians and statehood.


Reported and written by George Omagbemi Sylvester for SaharaWeeklyNG.com

Sambisa Bloodletting: When Boko Haram Turned Its Guns on ISWAP.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance

 

LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.

Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.

“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.

The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.

The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.

The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.

The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.

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Good Politics Or Just Power? Two Years After The Elections

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Good Politics Or Just Power? Two Years After The Elections

 

Two years after the last general election, Nigerians are justified in asking a direct question: is our democracy stronger today than it was then? Democracy is not measured by how many offices a party controls or how loudly politicians speak. It is measured by integrity, accountability, and the lived experience of the people. Good Politics demands more than victory at the polls; it demands moral leadership and visible progress in the lives of citizens.

The debate over amendments to the Electoral Act should have provided an opportunity to deepen transparency and strengthen public confidence. Instead, hesitation to fully embrace reforms that safeguard credible vote transmission and accountability has fueled doubt. In a nation where electoral credibility remains fragile, any reluctance to reinforce safeguards sends the wrong signal. Good Politics stands firmly for processes that are open, fair, and beyond suspicion.

The party in power commands significant authority across the federation. With control of the presidency, many state governments, a strong presence in the National Assembly, and influence at local levels, there should be no anxiety about reforms that ensure free and fair elections. Confidence in leadership is demonstrated not by dominance, but by a willingness to subject power to scrutiny. Politics rooted in the omoluabi ethos embraces fairness, transparency, and responsibility, even when inconvenient.

This is the standard long associated with Awolowo, whose politics emphasized discipline, social welfare, education, and institutional strength. His vision was not merely about holding office, but about transforming society through principled governance. Good Politics follows that tradition. It rejects manipulation, arrogance, and the concentration of power without accountability. It insists that authority must serve the people, not itself.

Beyond electoral reforms, democracy must deliver tangible relief. Across the country, households struggle with rising prices and shrinking purchasing power. Small businesses are burdened by escalating costs. Young people search for opportunities that remain scarce. When economic hardship deepens, democracy feels abstract. Good Politics recognizes that political legitimacy is reinforced when citizens can see and feel the benefits of governance.

The concentration of power within a single political structure should translate into coordinated reform and measurable development. When it does not, questions naturally arise. Democracy weakens when dominance replaces performance. It weakens when loyalty to party eclipses loyalty to principle. The omoluabi tradition teaches that character defines leadership. Without character, authority becomes hollow.

A healthy democracy requires credible elections and compassionate governance. It requires leaders who understand that politics is a moral enterprise. Two years into this administration, many Nigerians remain uncertain about the direction of both our democratic processes and their daily welfare. If democracy is to endure, it must reflect Good Politics: fairness in competition, integrity in conduct, and compassion in governance. Anything less falls short of the standard that our history and our values demand.

 

 

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GEN CHRISTOPHER GWABIN MUSA SUPPORT INITIATIVE COMMENDS STATE-FEDERAL COLLABORATION IN ZAMFARA

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GEN CHRISTOPHER GWABIN MUSA SUPPORT INITIATIVE COMMENDS STATE-FEDERAL COLLABORATION IN ZAMFARA

 

The Gen Christopher Gwabin Musa Support Initiative (GCGMSI) has commended the Zamfara State Government for its decisive contribution to security operations through the donation of newly acquired armoured personnel carriers (APCs), surveillance drones, and other critical operational equipment to troops and security agencies in the state.

 

This commendation was contained in a statement signed by the Convener of the GCGMSI, Ibrahim Dahiru Danfulani, Sadaukin Garkuwan Keffi/Betara Biu, and made available to the press.

 

The equipment was formally commissioned on Wednesday, February 18, by the Grand Patron of the GCGMSI and Minister of Defence, General Christopher Gwabin Musa, OFR (rtd.), in a ceremony at the Government House, Gusau. The event was attended by senior military officers, heads of security agencies, and top officials of the Zamfara State Government.

 

The GCGMSI, in its statement, hailed the donation as a “transformative and timely intervention” that aligns perfectly with its core objective of advocating for and supporting tangible measures that enhance the operational capacity and welfare of Nigeria’s security forces. The Initiative praised Governor Dauda Lawal’s administration for moving beyond rhetoric to actionable, material support, describing the move as a “blueprint for state-level collaboration in national security.”

 

“The provision of these assets by the Zamfara State Government is a testament to visionary leadership and a profound commitment to the peace and stability of its people,” the GCGMSI statement read. “It represents the exact kind of synergistic partnership between state and federal authorities that the GCGMSI champions. This initiative will significantly close operational gaps, boost the confidence of our gallant troops, and send a strong message to criminal elements.”

 

Speaking at the commissioning, General Musa emphasized that sustained collaboration is indispensable in confronting the nation’s evolving security challenges. He specifically commended Governor Lawal for his proactive support.

 

“Governor Dauda Lawal has demonstrated exemplary leadership and an unwavering dedication to the security of Zamfara State,” the Defence Minister stated. “The provision of these armoured vehicles, surveillance drones, and other operational equipment will undoubtedly boost the morale and operational effectiveness of our troops and other security agencies on the ground. This is a commendable effort that should be emulated by others.”

 

The newly commissioned assets, which include multiple APCs and advanced surveillance drones, are expected to dramatically enhance the mobility, protection, intelligence-gathering, and rapid response capabilities of security forces, particularly in the state’s remote and difficult terrains where anti-banditry operations are ongoing.

 

In his remarks, Governor Lawal reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to being a reliable partner in the security architecture. He urged security agencies to deploy the new resources responsibly and effectively to safeguard lives and property.

 

The Federal Government, through the Ministry of Defence, reaffirmed its commitment to continuing and deepening such partnerships with state governments across the nation to strengthen coordination and resource allocation in the collective fight against insecurity.

 

The GCGMSI concluded its statement by urging other state governments to take a cue from Zamfara’s “bold and pragmatic” approach, affirming that such concrete support is vital for achieving lasting peace and security across Nigeria.

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