Politics
THE IMPERATIVE OF A POWER SHIFT AND A TINUBU PRESIDENCY AND THE DEGENERATION OF THE PDP
THE IMPERATIVE OF A POWER SHIFT AND A TINUBU PRESIDENCY AND THE DEGENERATION OF THE PDP
by Femi Fani-Kayode
The greatest threat to Nigeria’s national unity is the refusal to shift power to the South next year.
Nothing could be more dangerous to our national cohesion than another 8 years of Fulani rule after President Muhammadu Buhari.
The Northern Governors of the APC themselves made this point and saw this danger and consequently insisted on a power shift to the South.
To my utter surprise and consternation they did not just say no to another Fulani but they went further by saying no to ANY Northerner including those that were not Fulani.
To them it was a matter of honor because this was the commitment that they had made in 2015 when President Buhari came to power.
They said that they would not break their word or renege on that agreement under any circumstances.
That gesture alone is the single greatest act of self-denial and sacrifice that any ethnic or regional group has made in our entire history and we should commend them for it.
A Northerner could have easily emerged as the APC Presidential candidate at our Convention if the Northern Governors had not thrown their collective weight behind a Southerner by the name of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and opted for him.
If they had chosen to support a Northerner the consequence would have been that we would have ended up having to make a choice between two Northern candidates from the two major political parties of APC and PDP in next year’s presidential election.
That way power would have ended up remaining in the North whichever of the two candidates ended up winning.
The Northerners of the APC could have had it in the bag and gone home smiling yet they put the interests of the party, the nation and the South first and said NO!
They insisted that power must shift regardless and they displayed maturity and a very high degree of responsible behaviour even though at the time some of us did not fully appreciate their point. Yet today few would dispute the fact that they have been vindicated.
Simply put, their decision was selfless, historic, honorable and heroic.
Anyone that does not acknowledge or fully appreciate the implications of what they did does not know or understand politics and cannot comprehend the very real dangers that another 8 years of Northern rule would have presented for the unity of our nation.
Yet they were not alone.
A few months before the APC Northern Governors took their stand, the Southern Governors had met in Asaba ACROSS party lines and they ALL agreed that power must shift to the South in 2023.
This was a bold and audacious move which formed part of the basis and an additional reason and incentive for the Northern APC Governors to make their concession and take their noble stand a few months later.
Apart from the earlier stated reasons they also did so out of deferrence and respect to the wishes of their Southern counterparts in the party who, led by Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo state, continued to insist that the agreement to shift power to the South must not be breached under any circumstances.
Unlike two or three of the Southern Governors in the PDP who sadly broke ranks and dishonored their word by supporting a Northen candidate at their party convention, the APC Northern and Southern Governors never waivered. They stood to the last man, they stood firm and they delivered.
That is how Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged as the flagbearer of our party and the entire nation should reciprocate and reward their gesture by ensuring that he goes on to win the presidential election next year.
We must stand with him, pray for him, fight for him, mobilise for him and ensure that he wins convincingly and, once victorious, we must be prepared to defend his mandate with all we have got.
There will be no repeat of June 12th under ANY circumstances and contrary to the disinformation being peddled around by our detractors there is no such plan or conspiracy in the offing by those in power today.
We must also be ready to make difficult and uncomfortable sacrifies and live with the hard choices that the candidate has made, knowing that he made them in good faith, in order to win.
The real patriots and party loyalists are those who may have strong reservations about a Muslim/Muslim ticket but who are prepared to overlook that in the interest of a power shift to the South knowing that this will finally put to rest the notion that Southerners are slaves and second class citizens and the erroneous idea that the APC is a party for Northerners only.
This is where yours truly stands together with many others that share my Christian faith. Unlike that of others, our reaction to a Muslim/Muslim ticket is not emotional or hysterical but rather practical, calm, calculating and level headed.
It is clear to me and I can confirm this after a series of meetings with both the candidate and his Vice that it is a position that he has taken as a consequence of political expediency and not out of any misguided or shameless attempt to spite, injure, insult or denigrate the 110 million Christians in our country.
Tinubu’s intention is not to undermine Christians, shame the Church or destroy our faith and neither would he even dare to contemplate or attempt to venture such a reckless undertaking and course knowing that it would would fail woefully with calamitous consequences both for him and for Nigeria.
Such a move would be counter-productive and a dangerous and grave exercise in futility and if that had been his intention I would NOT stand with him but rather oppose him with every fibre of my being.
Those that know me well can attest to the value I place on my faith and will confirm this. Nothing is more important to me than my religious beliefs and I would not in any way compromise those beliefs or my faith for ANYTHING.
To the skeptics and doubters that believe that a Muslim/Muslim ticket is part of a wider plot and plan to Islamise our nation I say, under Tinubu’s watch, this can never happen and neither can it ever be conceived or attempted.
I urge them to consider the following.
Since the Governorship election in Osun state a few weeks ago, every single one of the 17 Governors in Southern Nigeria is a Christian whilst there are 3 Christian Governors in the North.
This means that out of the 36 Governors in Nigeria 20 are Christians and 16 are Muslims.
Can anyone still be talking about Islamisation under such circumstances? I say, FEAR NOT!
Again consider the following.
A Christian/Christian ticket won the Governorship election in Osun state a few weeks back and defeated a Muslim/Christian ticket yet no-one alleged that there was a plot to Christianise the state and neither did the heavens fall or the Muslims of Osun cry foul even though they constitute 50% of the population of the state.
Again I ask, can anyone still be talking about Islamisation under such circumstances?
Again I say, FEAR NOT!
Not only can Nigeria NOT be islamised but under a Tinubu APC Presidency I have no doubt that major concessions will be made in terms of key positions for Christians not just in the executive but also across the three arms of Government in order to make up the balance and assuage the feelings of the many Christians that are concerned, aggrieved and even offended by the prospect and fielding of a Muslim/Muslim ticket.
There are other key positions that can and will be given to Christians in the three arms of Government which are even more powerful and relevant than that of a Vice President which, with all due respect to those that occupy that position today, is essentially nothing but a spare tyre.
Tinubu and his running mate, Senator Kashim Shettima, will ensure that the necessary concessions are made to Christians and that everyone, regardless of their faith, has a fair and full portion in their administration. Of this I have no doubt.
Permit me to end this contribution with a few words about the opposition PDP.
How can anyone take seriously a party that refuses to honor its own constitution by rotating power to the South and that insists on putting us on the edge of a dangerous precipice by attempting to enthrone another Northerner for yet another 8 years?
Can anyone trust a party who has in its ranks two or three Governors from the South South zone who are prepared to betray their own, sabotage the resolve and aspiration of virtually every Southern Nigerian and throw fairness out of the window by joining hands with a bunch of irresponsible and self-serving Northern Governors and leaders in their party to deny the South the Presidency next year?
Even the majority of their own party members and leaders from the South and Middle Belt, led by Nyesom Wike, have kicked against this shameful outrage and rightly so.
If the PDP can break their own party rules by breaching the rules on zoning, cheat their own party members, scam their own party leaders and deny Wike and the South their presidential ticket what won’t they do to Nigeria if they were to ever win power?
Worst still their presidential candidate, the Chairman of their Board of Trustees AND their National Chairman, who despite frantic calls to do so has refused to resign and has said he will stay in office for the next four years, are all from the North!
And so are ALL the spokesmen for their Presidential Campaign Council.
Is this not madness?
Is it not wickedness?
Is this not a formula for disaster and a statement of intent for the perpetual enslavement of the South?
Is this not an insult on the sensibilities and slap on the faces of every Southerner AND Northerner that believes in fairness and decency?
Does this not present a very potent danger and threat to our hopes and aspirations for national unity and stability given all we have witnessed over the last 7 years?
Is this the way to bring us together as one nation and build bridges of peace, unity, love and CONFIDENCE?
I think not.
All this and the PDP still insist on calling themselves a national party and a party that seeks to protect the national interest.
This is a specious and pernicious lie. The truth is that they are a party with a hidden agenda who present a grave danger to our nation.
They are a party of strife and division and as Chief Bode George, a former Deputy National Chairman of the party and a member of the PDP Board of Trustees, eloquently pronounced on Channels Television the other day, they are a party that “have been taken over by the devil”.
It appears to me that, if given power, they would be more interested in protecting a sectional interest for the next eight years rather than the national one.
May God deliver us from their devils, their notorious shenanigans and their divisive agenda.
The good news is that for the first time in our history the majority of Northerners and Southerners across party lines have come together and insisted on a power shift.
Whether they support Bola Tinubu or the rising star Peter Obi, there is a clear national consensus on this issue and it is very promising.
It brings us joy and gives us hope for a better, more peaceful and more united future.
This is a golden opportunity for a genuine and sincere national rebirth and we must not overlook it or take it for granted. It is indeed a massive breakthrough.
Unity and peace can only be rooted and established where there is fairness and equity.
In my view that fairness and equity can be best served by the election of the APC’s Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election.
Yet whoever you opt to vote for from the South is a matter of choice.
The point is that, whoever your candidate may be, we must ensure that power comes to the South in order to stop this dangerous cycle of regional and ethnic tension, enhance and entrench national unity and give Nigeria a chance to survive and experience the peace that we seek.
Sadly the PDP and the NNPP, with their insistence on Atiku Abubakar and Rabiu Kwankwaso as their presidential candidates respectively and their desire to prolong and perpetuate Northern rule, offers a very dangerous narrative and volatile cocktail that may ultimately end up leading us down the road to Kigali.
God bless Nigeria.
FFK
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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