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THE MUSLIM/MUSLIM TICKET

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THE ISRAEL OF SHAITAN

THE MUSLIM/MUSLIM TICKET

 

 

THE MUSLIM/MUSLIM TICKET

by Femi Fani-Kayode

A high-ranking and respected official of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) came to see me yesterday and expressed concern about my disposition towards a Muslim/Muslim ticket.

He informed me about CAN’s vehement opposition to such a ticket and said that the leadership of the organisation watched my interview on Channels Television where it appeared that I was not on all fours with them.

 

 

They felt this was very unlike me because they know how much I rever my faith and how much I respect CAN and its leadership and how I am usually in agreement with them on all issues.

It was a mark of honor to me that they thought me worthy of sending someone to get an explanation and after thanking him for that we spoke for no less than two hours.

 

 

 

 

At the end of it all I believe the person understood my position better and promised to convey it to the leadership of CAN.

Permit me to share some of the points I made to him here for the record.

 

 

 

 

The first was as follows.

It is perceived by many in the APC that a Muslim/Muslim ticket may be the winning formula in the coming election. They believe that it would be politically expedient to take advantage of that and present such a ticket.

It is perceived by others in the APC that a Muslim/Muslim ticket will be a direct challenge to the Christian community in Nigeria and it may jeopardise the chances of our party in the coming election.

 

 

 

 

I hold the latter view but I have said that if our candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, insists on a Muslim/Muslim ticket, I and many others shall stand by him and attempt to defend it as long as his running mate is not an extremist who will undermine the interests of the Christian community.

In this matter we must not allow ourselves to be guided by emotion but rather by our obligation to support our candidate and party, the quest and desire to win the coming presidential election at all costs, political expediency and by what the British call ‘real politik’.

 

 

 

 

And neither is it in any way a betrayal of our values or our Christian faith to take this position because Muslim/Muslim ticket or no Muslim/Muslim ticket we will not sit by idly and allow ANYONE or any GOVERNMENT to undermine our faith or our people.

If Asiwaju decides on a Muslim/Muslim ticket we shall either swim with him or sink with him and, whichever way, given the experience of Atiku Abubakar and the certainty that the PDP will give its Vice Presidential ticket to a Christian, it will be a hard fight.

 

 

 

 

 

I say this because there are over 100 million Christians in this country who feel passionately about their faith and who believe that they MUST be protected and represented at the highest level.

Those that wish them away, dismiss their concerns and say they do not care about how they feel do so at their own peril.

 

 

 

 

 

No matter what the candidate decides he must allay their fears and carry them along because the fear and concerns about islamisation, rightly or wrongly, are very real.

The second point is as follows.

 

 

 

 

The success or lack of it of a Muslim/Muslim ticket will depend largely on WHO the Muslim Vice Presidential candidate will be.

If it is a Muslim that has a track record of killing, persecuting, denigrating, hating, undermining, marginalising or working against Christians in ANY shape or form, I and millions of Christians all over this country will oppose it decisively and aggressively regardless of the consequences because we will not allow anyone to destroy the Church, intimidate or persecute our people or mess with our faith

 

 

 

 

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However if it is a Muslim that has shown love and displayed sensitivity to the Christian community over the years and who we believe we can trust, I and millions of other Christians will support it.

It is left to those of us that are Christians to let the faithful know who is who and who they can trust amongst the Muslims in the knowledge that not all Muslims are bad and not all Christians are good.

 

 

 

 

 

 

There are indeed good and bad people on both sides of the religious divide.

The truth is that in an ideal world religion and faith should not determine who our candidates and their running mates ought to be and when it comes to matters of governance I agree with those that say that in this day and age we should not bring religion into it.

 

 

 

 

 

Yet sadly this is not an ideal world and in the Nigerian context we must recognise the fact that given our history and our bitter experiences over the last few years, religion IS a factor that cannot be ignored or wished away and this is more so today than at any other time in our history.

In all that we do we must factor in the fears of both Muslims and Christians when it comes to presidential tickets and elections and we must allay those fears.

 

 

 

 

 

 

For example if you insist on a Christian/Christian ticket for whatever reason at least give me Christians that will protect the Muslims and if you insist on a Muslim/Muslim ticket at least give me Muslims that will protect Christians.

Apart from that you must also commit to giving the leadership of the Senate and the House of Reps and the position of the Secretary to the Federal Government (SGF) to members of the faith that do not enjoy representation at the Presidential or Vice Presidential level.

 

 

 

 

 

 

These are just some of the things that can allay our fears.

And interestingly that is what is practised in Lebanon and what is known as the “Lebanese model”.

 

 

 

 

 

They rotate the positions of power and leadership on the basis of religious faith and between Christians and Muslims and this has led to a certain degree of peace and harmony since the end of their civil war which lasted from from 1975 till 1990.

Whichever way we must tread with caution and care about the issue of religion and we must not act as if it is no big deal because it will play a decisive role in the outcome of the election and in the running of the campaign.

 

 

 

 

 

We must also endeavour to put Nigeria first and not toy with anything that will divide us on religious or ethnic grounds.

If the APC comes up with Muslim/Muslim ticket, as long as it is a Muslim that has a track record of religious tolerance, kindness and sensitivity towards the Christian community and one that places our nation and the Nigerian people, regardless of their religious affiliation, before his faith, I will gladly support such a candidate and such a ticket.

 

 

 

 

 

However if the Muslim/Muslim ticket produces a Muslim running mate that secretly despises Chritians or that has a track record of treating Christians with contempt in his state or constituency or of endangering and wasting Christian lives I will oppose that ticket, that candidate and indeed that party.

We know who is who. We know who the liberals and moderates amongst them are and we know who the extremists and hardliners are.

 

 

 

 

 

 

We know those who allow Christians to be slaughtered with impunity under their watch and in their backyards and we know those who built Churches for Christians where Chirches were never built before.

We know those who publicly mocked our faith, committed blasphemy and made references to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ in denigrating and disrespectful tones and we know those that have always treated His precious name with love, decency and respect.

 

 

 

 

 

 

We know those who have publicly likened the Virgin Mary to a street prostitute and we know those who respect our God, rever our faith and that see us as equals.

We know those that are malevolent and that see Christians as inferior beings and mortal enemies and we know those that are benign and that see us as brothers and compatriots.

 

 

 

 

 

 

I agree that we must do whatever it takes to win but we must also be wary of our choices.

You bring the wrong Muslim who is hostile to Christians as your running mate and that will not only be the end of your ambition but will also polarise our country in a very significant and dramatic way.

 

 

 

 

 

You bring the right one and we may just be able to push it through and overcome the challenge that our collective detractors and adversaries will pose.

The truth is that it is not one’s faith that matters but what is in one’s heart.

 

 

 

 

 

Whether Christian or Muslim, if we have a heart filled with light, compassion, kindness, love and the fear of God we give nothing but goodness and love but if we have a heart filled with darkness, prejudice, hate, bitterness, evil and contempt and disdain for God we have nothing to give but evil and hate.

More important than anything else is the condition of the heart: whether Christian or Muslim, that is what counts.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Again, we must always remember that whether Christian or Muslim or whether Southerner or Northerner, we are first and foremost Nigerians and that WE ARE ONE!

Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s choice of running mate will make or mar our parties’ chances at the election.

 

 

 

 

 

 

May God lead and guide him to make the right one.

May the Lord grant him the spirit if discernment to do the right thing and may He grant him the courage to stand firm in this great and epic struggle to move our nation forward.

 

 

 

 

(FFK)

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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