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THE POLITICAL MORALITY OF 2023 ELECTION PART 2

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CUSTOMSGATE: $3 BILLION PROJECT RUNS INTO DISPUTE

THE POLITICAL MORALITY OF 2023 ELECTION PART 2.

 

Today is the 2nd stanza of my special focus on the political correctness of the 2023 Presidential election in Nigeria. I tried to focus on the chances of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s chances of winning the APC ticket in the face of mounting avalanche of multi-party opposition that may be lined up against him. The truth of the matter remains that it will amount to injustice against the Southeast geopolitical zone for the North or Southwest to produce the next president in 2023. It will be a POLITICAL IMMORALITY to deny the zone of this position.
The basic logic proving that the South East is next in line to produce the President of Nigeria in  2023 is predicated on the zoning within rotation principle which has been the convention since the return of Nigeria to democracy in 1999. Note that the principle has two parts: the first part is the rotation between North and South Nigeria. We saw it with Obasanjo/Falae, with Yar’Adua/Atiku/ Buhari, with Goodluck Jonathan vs Buhari in which Buhari won based on that same sentiment that power ought to shift North in 2015. Then in 2019 when it was Buhari and Atiku – all northerners in the 2 two main political parties, APC and PDP.
Power having stayed in the North for two straight terms of 8 years, by the same rotation principle, the power ought to move South in 2023.
The second part of the principle is zoning within the rotation. It simply means that power rotates also between the part of the country to produce the President of Nigeria. And since South-South and South West have both produced Nigerian President in this dispensation in the persons of Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan, the principle in question leaves the South East as the only logical zone to produce the South Nigerian President.
In its wisdom and patriotic zeal, the PDP has allowed power to rotate between North and South and made it both a manifesto and a constitutional matter. What this means is that going by the party constitution, which outlays where its presidential candidate must come from between North and South Nigeria, the subsisting principle of rotation leaves PDP with no political party with an option. Those encouraging the political parties to violate this Convention such as Tinubu are unfairly bent on obliterating the interest of the southeast to produce the President of the Country based on zoning in rotation principle.
In fact, based on this principle of zoning within the rotation,  both the North and the South aspirants cannot vie for the presidential ticket in the parties’ primaries or convention at the same time. One divide – either North or South –  is barred since the express acclamation of one is an express exclusion of the other. In the case of 2023, northern aspirants cannot vie if they really love Nigeria in terms of equity and justice.
 In the avalanche of well-qualified persons for Nigerian President of Igbo/South East extraction, I can easily single out 4, namely: Peter Obi, who has maintained visibility and is known to have integrity and strong on the economy. Though he is still reluctant to declare for President and seems to be still hiding in the shadows of Atiku. In the same PDP, I can also easily see Anyim Pius Anyim. He has played at the apex levels in both the Legislature and the Executive as Senate President and SGF. He is also a consummate politician and well-educated. I hope he doesn’t have a hard time explaining to Ndigbo what he did for them with such positions. The man I see in APC is Dr.  Ogbonnaya Onu, a solid political trojan and thoroughbred, consummate politician, knowledgeable, and a team player. He has been governor and now a minister. Though some say he is too quiet and could be a weak President. I think Nigeria needs such a bridge builder now to reconnect North and South and inspire confidence in Nigeria and engender unity.
Nigerians may also look to the corporate world and there, Igbos qualified to govern Nigeria creditably and acquit themselves with distinction are also an avalanche. Top on the list should be Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa, the President of the Pharmaceutical Association of Nigeria. He may not be a politician but he is sufficiently political. I do not see the political lightning rod that rooted out former president Obasanjo to become Nigeria’s president in 1999 happening twice in our generation. It’s very rare for people to drop off from the sky or some obscure woodworks and handed power at any level of governance. Although power comes from God, one must have the interest to want to lead his State or country. I am also aware that the tide of choosing the Southeast as the zone to present the candidate for president in the 2023 elections is swimming against the Southeast going by the blemish Nnamdi Kanu and his Biafra protagonists have brought to the Southeast zone. Secondly, it’s an open secret in Nigeria that my IBO kinsmen and women have an absolute trust deficit with other zones because of the Biafra factor. However, the former president was elected president on the backdrop of the upsurge in a barrage of militancy in the Niger Delta region. Jonathan became president and nothing untoward shook Nigeria’s foundation because of the incessant threats from the Niger Delta militants. In the same light and under any circumstances, I suggest that all the political parties need to nominate persons of the Southeast extraction as Presidential candidates to ensure equity and justice in our polity and by extension, peace in the country. With the literal failure of our oft-touted security architecture culminating in the massive attack on the Imo State police and prisons infrastructure, some of my mischievous friends are pointing their 10 fingers at the government’s fifth columnists who are feverish about finding reasons to deny the zone of their perceived right to produce the next president in 2023. Or how else did the former IG of Police, Mohammed Adamu jumped to unrestrained conclusions that the dastardly attack was perpetrated by the IPOB? Such an audacious criminal act didn’t take hours to plan. It didn’t get executed in few hours. I come from Imo State and pretty well understand the limited topography of Owerri. Fact is, as usual with our intelligence-bankrupt security agencies, they were caught with their loose pants during the planning stage of attacks. The main spots of the attacks are touching distance to the government house, the official residence of the Governor, Hope Uzodinma, the DSS Headquarters, the army Headquarters in Obinze is less than 10 minutes from spots of attacks. With the security cobweb around the Police HQ and the Prisons facilities, the operations must last for hours to execute.
I Am compelled to say the above considering the swift response of the clueless former IG of police. Interestingly before we wrongfully conclude that the IPOB or ESN, may have been involved in the attack, let us ask ourselves some important questions.
*  Is it possible that the attack may have been set up to prepare enough grounds to attack IPOB and ESN, by extension the southeasterners.
* If indeed the attack lasted as long as it’s being suggested, was the commissioner of police/governor not contacted within the period?
And if they were contacted, what were their reactions even calling for help from the Army at Obinze, which is about 10 minutes drive to the government house could have reduced the damage done. Does it mean that all the security men on duty left their phones at home while coming to work that night?
* How and where did the IG of police, generate all the evidence to conclude that it was the ESN and the IPOB that carried out the attack? If our intelligence gathering and response team failed to act within the long hours that the attack lasted, how comes that within few hours after the attack their investigations have already produced a conclusive report.

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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