society
THE PRICE OF FREEDOM: When Governments Talk to Bandits — The Confusing, Dangerous Rescue of 38 Worshippers in Kwara
THE PRICE OF FREEDOM: When Governments Talk to Bandits — The Confusing, Dangerous Rescue of 38 Worshippers in Kwara.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“DSS and the military say they “CONTACTED” kidnappers and secured the release — critics ask whether the state paid a hidden ransom and whether any deal will deepen Nigeria’s kidnapping economy.”
On November 18, 2025, gunmen stormed the Christ Apostolic Church in Eruku, Kwara State, killing two congregants and abducting 38 worshippers. The kidnappers immediately slapped an extraordinary demand (₦100 million per captive) a sum that made headlines and sickened relatives. The nation watched in horror as the familiar script of mass abduction and ransom negotiation ran again across our airwaves.
By November 24 the worshippers were free. But the sequence that led to their release has produced more questions than comfort. The Presidency’s information aide, Bayo Onanuga, told reporters that the Department of State Services (DSS) and the military had “CONTACTED the BANDITS” and, through real-time tracking and pressure, secured the release without paying ransom. “THEY REACHED OUT TO THE KIDNAPPERS AND DEMANDED THE RELEASE OF THE VICTIMS AND THE BANDITS COMPLIED,” Mr. Onanuga said. The Presidency insisted no ransom was paid.
That official narrative (CONTACT, MONITORING, PRESSURE, RELEASE) sounds tidy. It is also deeply unsettling. For decades families, communities and sometimes local governments have paid to get loved ones back. Analysts and international observers have documented millions of dollars exchanged in secret transactions between captors and the captive’s handlers; such payments become part of the criminal ecosystem, emboldening more abductions. “The motivation of these groups appears purely economic,” SBM Intelligence’s head of research once told Sahara when discussing the KIDNAP-FOR-RANSOM boom. History shows payments (whether explicit or concealed) can have perverse consequences.
So which is it in Eruku? The Presidency’s line is that security agencies negotiated and that the bandits, confronted by surveillance and the prospect of force, “COMPLIED.” Critics ask whether the state’s words conceal a quieter transaction: a back-channel transfer of funds, local payments by community leaders, or a tacit bargain that leaves the bandits enriched and empowered. Nigerian reporting after the releases has been mixed: some outlets relay Onanuga’s position that no ransom was paid, while others note continued local reports of community-level payments or murky negotiations.
There are three hard, non-negotiable truths we must hold in mind.
First: in a country where kidnapping for ransom has metastasized into a criminal economy, any release that lacks transparent forensic explanation will breed suspicion. Between 2011 and 2020, some firms estimated that tens of millions were paid to kidnappers across Nigeria (largely by families and intermediaries) a fact that demonstrates both the scale and the secretive cash flows sustaining the crime. When governments insist “NO RANSOM WAS PAID” without opening records or allowing independent verification, cynicism grows.
Second: the ethical and strategic dilemma is real. Security experts, criminologists and ethicists describe an agonizing choice: refuse to negotiate and risk lives, or negotiate/pay and save people now while encouraging more abductions later. A growing body of research argues that ransom payments produce a perverse feedback loop: immediate human relief at the cost of long-term national insecurity. “Paying the ransom may save a life immediately, but it causes more harm in the long run by encouraging further kidnappings,” a recent ethical review summarized. Policymakers must reckon honestly with that calculus.
Third: secrecy is the enemy of accountability. If security agencies can secure releases by non-lethal means (surveillance, pressure, targeted operations) the public should be presented with credible, verifiable steps explaining how danger was neutralized and how captors were prevented from using the same methods again. If, instead, releases depend on opaque deals or payments through intermediaries, then the state is, in effect, subsidizing criminality with impunity.
Voices from the field amplify these concerns. Ikemesit Effiong of SBM Intelligence described the kidnap economy as mostly financially motivated, fed by poverty and the breakdown of social controls; each successful payout is a business case for the next abduction. Academics who study the phenomenon have similarly warned that ransom markets create perverse incentives and institutional corruption that erode state capacity. In other words: when the state or its proxies pay to free today’s victims, it often pays tomorrow, through renewed crime and weakened trust.
This is not an argument for cold-hearted refusal to save lives. It is a demand for honesty and strategy. If the DSS and the military really relied on real-time tracking, coordinated intelligence and pressure to force a surrender without money changing hands, the Presidency should publicize a clear after-action account: what assets were used, what intelligence nodes tracked the gang, whether arrests were made, and what follow-up operations will prevent recurrence. That would be a template for accountability and learning.
If, on the other hand, a payment (direct or indirect) secured the release, Nigerians deserve to know that too. Concealing payments achieves two dangerous ends: it normalizes secret deals between the state and criminals, and it institutionalizes a shadow market where bandits calculate the expected payout for every attack. Either outcome corrodes the rule of law.
There are practical reforms the federal government must pursue, simultaneously and without further delay. First: transparency and publish factual, declassified after-action reports of rescue operations that explain who did what, and how outcomes were achieved. Second: a national policy on ransom negotiations, designed with input from security services, legal scholars, community leaders and international partners, that specifies when and how officials may engage with captors and under what safeguards. Third: invest aggressively in community resilience such as rural patrols, credible policing, emergency funds for forensic investigations, while prosecuting collaborators and vigilantes who profit from abduction markets. Fourth: strengthen prosecutions and asset-forfeiture regimes that clamp down on the financial networks banking ransom payments. Evidence-based suppression of the economics of crime is as crucial as boots on the ground.
Finally, we must have a public conversation about responsibility. Families and communities pay because they lack confidence in their state. Governments that want to break kidnapping’s business model must first restore trust: by showing that the state can protect citizens, secure rescues lawfully, and deny bandits the currency they crave. Anything less is appeasement dressed as rescue.
The Eruku case should be a moment of clarity for Nigeria. If the DSS and military achieved a no-cash rescue through skillful intelligence and pressure, the agencies should make that model public and replicable. If they relied on payments (however camouflaged) the country must confront the cost of that choice and act to end the market those payments prop up. Either way, secrecy benefits only the criminals and deprives Nigerians of the truth.
The 38 worshippers are home and for that we give thanks; but GRATITUDE must not silence ACCOUNTABILITY. The state’s job is not only to recover victims; it is to ensure the recovery does not fuel the next crime. Until the full facts of the Eruku release are laid on the table and scrutinized, the “MIRACLE” of a mass release will always carry the sour aftertaste of suspicion; and Nigeria will remain trapped in a vicious cycle where rescue equals reward and reward equals repeat.
society
Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, Makinde, Ajadi, Others Converge in Ibadan for Historic Opposition Summit Ahead of 2027
Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, Makinde, Ajadi, Others Converge in Ibadan for Historic Opposition Summit Ahead of 2027
In a significant political convergence that could reshape Nigeria’s democratic landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, prominent opposition leaders, including Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, gathered in Ibadan on Saturday for the National Summit of Opposition Political Parties Leaders.
The high-level summit, held at the Banquet Hall of the Government House Ibadan, also drew the participation of leading gubernatorial aspirant in Oyo State under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, alongside several political heavyweights and stakeholders across party lines.
Convened under the theme, “That We May Work Together for a United Opposition to Sustain Our Democracy,” the summit brought together representatives from major opposition platforms including the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), African Democratic Congress (ADC), and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).
Other notable figures at the summit included former Senate President David Mark, former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola, former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi, and former Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal.
Also in attendance were elder statesman Olagunsoye Oyinlola, former Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu, political economist Pat Utomi, social activist Aisha Yesufu, and former APC National Secretary John Akpanudoedehe, among others.
Speakers and stakeholders at the summit examined critical national issues, including electoral reforms, national security, economic recovery, and the need for stronger democratic institutions, as part of efforts to forge a united opposition front ahead of 2027.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, who actively participated in the summit, spoke with journalists shortly after stepping out of the Banquet Hall. Addressing newsmen, Ajadi described the gathering as a turning point for opposition politics in Nigeria.
“This summit represents a new beginning for the opposition in Nigeria. What we are seeing is a deliberate effort to put aside differences and work towards a common goal,” Ajadi said.
He noted that the collaboration among diverse political actors signals a renewed commitment to national development and democratic consolidation.
Nigerians are looking for direction and credible leadership. The responsibility is on us as opposition leaders to provide that alternative and restore confidence in governance,” he added.
Analysts say the Ibadan summit marks one of the most coordinated efforts by opposition forces in recent years, signaling early realignments and possible coalition-building ahead of the next general elections.
As deliberations continue, political observers believe the outcomes of the summit could significantly influence Nigeria’s political direction, particularly if the unity advocated by participants translates into concrete alliances.
society
Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026: Abuja and Lagos Set the Stage for a New Era of Local Innovation and Enterprise
Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026: Abuja and Lagos Set the Stage for a New Era of Local Innovation and Enterprise
Abuja and Lagos are poised to surge with energy, enterprise, and cultural expression as the Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026 takes centre stage—an event designed not merely to display products, but to redefine perception.
More than a conventional exhibition, this gathering signals a confident assertion of Nigeria’s productive strength. Entrepreneurs, manufacturers, creatives, and industry leaders from across the nation will assemble to present a compelling spectrum of locally made goods. From premium leather craftsmanship and cutting-edge fashion to beauty innovations, agro-based solutions, and artisanal creations, each showcase reflects ingenuity shaped by resilience and ambition.
At the heart of the exhibition lies a deliberate push to elevate emerging brands. Many small businesses operate with limited visibility, often constrained by access and exposure. This platform disrupts that pattern. By offering opportunities such as complimentary booth spaces for selected participants, it opens the door for underrepresented talents to step into the spotlight—not just to sell, but to be seen, evaluated, and remembered.
According to Bola Awosika, the driving force behind the initiative, “This exhibition is about shifting mindsets. Nigerian products are not just alternatives—they are competitive, innovative, and globally relevant. We are creating a space where local brands can be experienced, trusted, and elevated.”
The exhibition will hold biannually in both Abuja and Lagos:
Abuja Edition
• First Edition: 27th–28th June 2026
• Second Edition: 12th–13th December 2026
Lagos Edition
• First Edition: 25th–26th July 2026
• Second Edition: 19th–20th December 2026
Each edition will draw a dynamic mix of participants—buyers scouting quality, investors searching for scalable ideas, media documenting emerging trends, and everyday Nigerians engaging with products that reflect their identity. Conversations sparked within the exhibition halls are expected to extend beyond introductions, evolving into partnerships and long-term collaborations.
The experience itself goes beyond static displays.
Attendees will encounter live demonstrations, immersive product storytelling, interactive sessions, and curated networking opportunities. It becomes less about walking through aisles and more about engaging directly with the pulse of Nigerian creativity and enterprise.
Yet, the exhibition carries a broader economic and cultural message. It challenges consumer habits, urging Nigerians to support domestic production while reinforcing confidence in local capabilities. Every transaction becomes a statement—one that contributes to national growth and industrial sustainability.
For many participants, this platform could mark a pivotal shift. A relatively unknown brand may secure national recognition. A hidden talent could attract strategic investment. An early-stage idea might evolve into a scalable enterprise. The ripple effects are designed to outlast the exhibition itself.
As the momentum builds business owners have started making enquiries and booking stands for each edition, what remains is not just a successful event, but a strengthened narrative—one that positions Nigerian products as credible, competitive, and ready for global markets.
Call to Participate: Affordable Access, Strategic Opportunity
As preparations intensify, the Convener, Bola Awosika, has extended a direct invitation to entrepreneurs, brands, and industry players to seize the opportunity presented by the exhibition.
“We have deliberately structured this exhibition to be inclusive and accessible. With pocket-friendly stand rates, we are removing the usual barriers that prevent many businesses from participating. Vendors can secure their booths at ₦150,000 and ₦200,000 respectively. This is not just a cost—it is an investment in visibility, credibility, and growth. We encourage businesses across Nigeria to take advantage of this platform to position their brands for new markets and opportunities,” she stated.
Beyond vendor participation, she emphasized the importance of collaboration in delivering a world-class event.
“it will be an annual event. We are also calling on corporate organisations, development institutions, and forward-thinking brands to come on board as sponsors and partners. This exhibition is a national platform with significant economic impact, and there is immense value for organisations looking to align with innovation, enterprise, and local content development.”
Interested exhibitors, sponsors, and partners can access more information and secure participation via the official website: www.nigeriaexportsexhibition.com.ng
The exhibition is currently supported by notable institutions including Bank of Industry, Lagos State Internal Revenue Service, and Sahcol, with additional sponsors and partners expected to join as momentum builds.
Powered by Bevents Logistics Synergy, the Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026 stands not as a fleeting showcase, but as a sustained movement—one that redefines how Nigeria sees its own potential and how the world engages with it.
Rebalancing The Force: Why Police Visibility Must Reach The Ordinary Citizen
In every functioning society, the true test of policing is not what happens in elite corridors of influence, but what the ordinary citizen experiences on the street.
For too long, that balance has been distorted.
Recent criticism surrounding the redeployment of officers from Zone 2 Command in Lagos has been framed in sensational terms: mass transfers, alleged illegality, internal discontent. But beneath the noise lies a far more important and uncomfortable truth: Nigeria’s policing structure, particularly in high-interest zones, has been uneven, inefficient, and in urgent need of correction.
This is the context within which the actions of the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, must be understood.
The ongoing exercise is not incidental. It is the direct outcome of a clearly defined restructuring objective under the leadership of the Inspector-General: one that prioritises the even and adequate distribution of personnel for effective policing across the country.
Zone 2 Command, which oversees Lagos and Ogun States, has evolved over time into something beyond its administrative mandate. Rather than functioning strictly as a supervisory and coordination hub, it has become heavily populated, far beyond operational necessity.
In practical terms, this has meant one thing: a concentration of personnel where they are least needed, and a shortage where they are most needed.
While Zone 2 swelled with officers, reportedly far exceeding standard staffing expectations, divisional police stations, community posts, and rural commands have continued to operate below capacity.
The result?
* Slower response times
* Reduced police visibility in neighborhoods
* Overworked officers in understaffed stations
* Communities left feeling exposed
No serious policing system can justify that imbalance.
Security is not theoretical. It is not a concept measured in internal postings or administrative convenience. It is measured in presence: visible, responsive, and accessible.
When citizens say they do not “feel” the police, what they are really saying is simple: the system is not reaching them.
Redistributing personnel is not punishment. It is not arbitrary. It is the essence of operational policing.
This is precisely the thinking driving the current reforms under IGP Olatunji Disu—the deliberate repositioning of the Force to ensure that policing is not concentrated in a few administrative centres, but extended meaningfully to the communities that need it most.
The Inspector-General’s position is therefore not only defensible, it is necessary:
policing must be felt everywhere.
There is also an open secret that cannot be ignored.
Assignments to certain commands, particularly those linked to high-value civil disputes such as land matters, have historically attracted disproportionate interest. The concentration of officers in such zones is not always driven by operational need, but by perceived opportunity.
This distortion has long undermined equitable deployment.
Correcting it requires more than caution; it requires leadership and resolve, both of which are reflected in the current restructuring agenda of the Inspector-General.
Under the Nigeria Police Act, the Inspector-General of Police retains administrative authority over postings and redeployments within the Force.
Transfers are not extraordinary measures. They are routine instruments of:
* Discipline
* Efficiency
* Institutional balance
To label such actions as “illegal” without reference to any breached statute is to substitute sentiment for law.
More importantly, it distracts from the real issue:
Are officers deployed where Nigerians actually need them?
Nigeria is approaching a critical period.
With elections on the horizon, the demand for:
* Crowd control
* Community intelligence
* Rapid response capability
will increase significantly.
A police force clustered in administrative zones cannot meet that demand.
Lagos needs officers.
Ogun needs officers.
Communities need presence, not paperwork.
There is also a deeper dimension often ignored in public discourse; the welfare of officers themselves.
Overconcentration in some commands and understaffing in others creates:
* Burnout in frontline stations
* Irregular shifts
* Mental fatigue
* Reduced effectiveness
A properly distributed force, one of the core objectives of the current restructuring led by IGP Olatunji Disu allows for:
* Structured shifts
* Better rest cycles
* Improved mental health
* Higher operational efficiency
This is not just about deployment. It is about sustainability.
It is worth noting that previous leaderships have attempted to decongest Zone 2. Those efforts faltered, not because they were wrong, but because they lacked the consistency and institutional backing required to see them through.
Reform, by its nature, is disruptive.
But disruption is not dysfunction.
It is often the first step toward order.
The debate, therefore, should not be:
“Why are officers being transferred?”
The real question is:
Why were so many officers concentrated in one administrative zone while communities remained under-policed?
Until that question is answered honestly, resistance to reform will continue to masquerade as concern.
At its core, policing exists for one purpose: to protect the public.
Not selectively.
Not strategically for advantage.
But universally.
If restructuring ensures that:
* more officers are on the streets,
* more communities are covered, and
* more citizens feel safe,
then it is not just justified, it is imperative.
The common man does not measure policing by internal postings.
He measures it by presence.
And under the current reform-driven leadership, that presence is being deliberately, and necessarily, restored.
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