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The travails of Apostle Johnson Suleiman and the inciting words of the Sultan of Sokoto (Part 1) by Femi fani-kayode
Published
9 years agoon
The travails of Apostle Johnson Suleiman and the inciting words of the Sultan of Sokoto (Part 1)
This is an article written by Femi Fani Kayode. Keep reading: Nothing sums up the dangerous way in which the DSS is handling the Apostle Johnson Suleman affair better than the words of the Southern Kaduna-based Pastor Owojaye Matthew. He said:
“You want to arrest Christian clergymen who asked Christians to defend themselves against killer FULANI Herdsmen while you allow hundreds of foreign FULANI herdsmen invading Nigeria to kill and maim CHRISTIANS and take over their lands! DSS, tread softly! Do not play into the hands of chaos! We are waiting for DSS to arrest the kill and go FULANI herdsmen!”
The Buhari administration is literally playing Russian roullete with this matter. They are playing with fire and it may well end up burning them badly and consumming the whole of Nigeria. They are sitting on a keg of gunpowder and it may well end up blowing up in their faces.
Owojaiye’s point is as pertinent as it is clear. His counsel to the DSS is unassailable and timely.
They would do well to take his advice, leave Suleman alone and, instead of harrasing him, go after those who commit mass murder, ethnic cleansing and genocide against northern Christians at the drop of a hat and those who encourage, incite and pay them to do it.
In this respect let us consider the words of the President-General of Nigeria’s Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, His Eminence, Mohammed Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto.
On 24th July 2016 he called on Muslims to fight anybody or any group that attempts to stop them from performing their religious obligations. He said,
“Fight those who seek to stop you from practising Islam. The only thing that will make me to act or ask you to act is only when somebody or a group or some other nations decide to stop us from performing our religious obligations. That is the only way we can fight somebody.” (The Daily Trust).
These words are not only ominous but also sinister. The question for His Eminence and all those that share his views and disposition, and I ask it respectfully, is precisely who is stopping the Muslims of Nigeria from “practising Islam” and “performing their religious obligations?”
Is his warning and veiled threat not dangerous and uneccessary? Is this misguided and misplaced missive not the motive and primary catalyst for the unprecedented and unprovoked attacks that the Christian community in northern Nigeria are being subjected to today?
Is this not the ethos and mindset of those who love to spill Christian blood and crush Christian bones?
Do such words not appear to be like manna from heaven and a source of great inspiration and encouragement to the radical islamic terrorists and Fulani ethnic supremacists in our midst? Is this not a clear case of incitement to violence?
If the Department of State Security (DSS) can attempt to arrest and later invite the fiery evangelical Apostle Johnson Suleman of Omega Fire Ministries simply for calling on Christians to defend themselves when they are attacked by Fulani militias, why should they not arrest the Sultan of Sokoto for his comments as well?
If Miyetti Allah, the umbrella group of the Fulani militia, and other Muslim groups and Fulani leaders can call for the arrest of Rev. Samson Olasupo Ayokunle, the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and other clerics simply because they asked Christians to defend themselves from what can only be described as mass murder and genocide, why can’t we Christians demand that the Sultan of Sokoto, the leader of Nigeria’s northern Muslims, be arrested for his inciting words as well?
Is what is good for the goose not good for the gander? Do Muslim lives matter more than Christian ones in President Muhammadu Buhari’s Nigeria?
Are Christians expected to behave like quislings and cowards and hide under the bed shivering in silence when Muslim leaders speak or threaten them?
Are Christians second class citizens in Nigeria? Is it not better to be killed and die as free men than to live as worthless slaves or second class citizens in our own country?
All over the northern part of the country Christians are being targetted, slaughtered and butchered and not one person has been arrested, detained or cautioned by our government for these heinous crimes against humanity and these clear cases of ethnic and religious cleansing.
Are the lives of those defenceless and innocent Christian men, women and children that were brutally massacred some kind of sacrifice to a strange and demonic deity or entity?
Are those that kill in this gruesome and heartless manner and those that secretly encourage such killings and turn a blind eye to them really Muslims? Are they even human beings or are they just beasts?
I ask these questions because the apparant indifference of our government to the plight of the northern Christians and their conspiratorial collusion with the forces of darkness that perpetuate these evil, ungodly and barbaric acts against them shocks and appauls me.
Muslim clerics and leaders all over the north pronounce inciting words every day in the sanctity of their mosques and the Fulani Emirs appear to endorse those words yet no-one has called any of them to order. This madness has been going on for years and yet few are prepared to confront it.
The indifference of most northern Muslim leaders towards this matter is troubling and nauseating me. It appears that those that kill Christians in the north have some sort of immunity from the law.
For example there was a particular Fulani prince who was involved in the gruesome public beheading of a Christian man from Benue state by the name of Gideon Akaluka in Kano in the mid-1990’s long before he became an Emir.
The Fulani Prince was hidden in a Sokoto prison for two years after all those that organised the killing with him were extra-judicially executed by security forces on the orders of the then Head of State, General Sani Abacha.
After his release the matter was closed and the prince not only flourished but he also went from strength to strength until he became an Emir!
That is how skewered the system is and that is the level of injustice and sheer madness that Christians have been subjected to over the years in Nigeria. Instead of facing justice, those that commit such atrocities appear to be rewarded by the state for their barbarity and evil.
Again in October, 2011 the Sultan of Sokoto delivered a lecture at Harvard University in the United States of America and, amongst many other things, said,
“I do not recognize any Nigerian constitution and the only constitution I recognise is the Koran.”
As the cerebal young Yoruba nationalist Mr. Adeyinka Adebayo rightly asked,
“if Pastor Enoch Adeboye, Pastor David Oyedepo, Pastor Ayo Oritsajafor, Archbishop Olubunmi Okogie, in the name of their beliefs in the Bible as having the final say in their affairs, go about with such flatulence, would it be acceptable and exemplary?”
Adebayo has asked a pertinent question. If Prophet Temitope Joshua, Dr. Daniel Olukoya, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, Dr. B.O. Ezekiel, Rev. Musa Asake, Bishop Mike Okonkwo, Pastor Bosun Emmanuel, Rev. Emmanuel Kure, Rev. Ladi Thompson, Pastor Paul Adefarasin, Pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo or any of the other notable clerics in Nigeria had said that they do not recognise the Nigerian constitution and that the only constitution that they recognise is the Holy Bible would all hell not have broken loose?
Up until today the slaughter that comes as a consequence of such irresponsible and hateful sentiments and incitement continues.
Yet when the Islamist terrorists and Jihadists start killing Christians and Shiite Muslims as a consequence of such incendiary expressions the Buhari government does and says absolutely nothing to discourage or stop it.
Worse still the entire nation maintains a stoic and submissive silence as if it were totally bewitched by some deep voodoo magic and dark Luciferian spell.
Virtually everyone appears to have been frozen into silence in the country and the spirit of fear has gripped most of our leaders and captured their spirits and souls.
The killing of Christians on a daily basis all over the north has now become the norm and it is getting worse by the day.
Yet no-one seems to care and some, including that devilish little imp in Kaduna state that delights in shedding Christian blood, even relish it and boast about it.
808 Christians were slaugthtered in Southern Kaduna on Christmas eve and Christmas day by Fulani militias and no arrests were made.
1000 Christians were killed in Agatu, Benue state last year by Fulani militants and no arrests were made.
253 Christians were bombed to death at an IDP camp in Borno state two weeks ago by a mad Muslim Air Force pilot and no arrests were made.
1000 Shiite Muslims were slaughtered by the Sunni-Muslim controlled Nigerian army at the end of 2015 and no arrests were made.
Thousands (yes THOUSANDS!!!) of Christian Biafran youths and members of IPOB have been slaughtered all over the south-east and south-south by the Sunni-Muslim led Nigerian security agencies since Buhari came to power just under two years ago yet no arrests have been made.
Christian political leaders and clerics are being harrassed, detained, subjected to torture, humiliated, maligned, threatened, coerced and forced to step down as heads of their Churches by the creation and implementation of bogus, absurd and self-seving laws and yet no-one is there to defend them.
Relevant here are the words of the man of the moment, President Donald J. Trump. He said,
“Christians in the Middle-East have been executed in large numbers. We cannot allow this horror to continue!”
If only he knew what the Christians of northern Nigeria were being subjected to he would accept the fact that what is happening to Christians in the Middle East is nothing but child’s play. May God help us all. (TO BE CONTINUED)
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Sahara weekly online is published by First Sahara weekly international. contact [email protected]
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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”
Published
13 hours agoon
August 18, 2025
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.

Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.

No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Published
2 days agoon
August 17, 2025
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.

The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Published
3 days agoon
August 16, 2025
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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