Politics
TINUBU: A CAT WITH MANY LIVES By Kassim Afegbua
TINUBU: A CAT WITH MANY LIVES By Kassim Afegbua.
In 2015, when the race to the general election got to a fever pitch, all manner of theories and conspiracies were woven around Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, as though he was the candidate of the newly formed All Progressives Congress.
The AIT did a documentary deliberately targeted at the former Lagos state Governor entitled; THE LION OF BOURDILON which attempted a faulty characterisation of Asiwaju Tinubu as someone who represented the good, the bad and the ugly in the 2015 political narratives. President Goodluck Jonathan was running against the grains following the idea of zoning that is enshrined in the PDP constitution. The AIT documentary made a lot of unsubstantiated allegations and claims against Tinubu, all in a bid to demarket him and sent the APC on the slippery slope to perdition. He was not running election, but once he’s out of the equation, they reasoned rightly, then General Buhari’s chances would be impaired. That didn’t happen.
Asiwaju Tinubu stayed the cause and took AIT to court to prove the allegations before all. Going by the swing of the pendulum, AIT opted for out of court settlement, after several rebuttal, apologies and public disclaimer of the said hatchet job of a documentary. The Jonathan administration knew too well that without Asiwaju Tinubu’s support, it would be difficult to sail through. This is primarily because the initial promises made by President Jonathan in 2011 were not fulfilled to carry Tinubu along. When it was time to strike another accord, Asiwaju Tinubu reminded him of the earlier failed promises. The rest as they often say, has become history.
The AIT recant was enough opportunity for the Nigeria media to be circumspect on matters they lack enough information on. When Asiwaju Tinubu was Governor of Lagos, he had a running battle with Late Gani Fawehinmi over educational claim. Gani tried his best to bend Tinubu out of the column of his political power as Governor. Tinubu survived and went ahead to complete his second term. Gani used both his public opinion Advocacy and the law court. In all, Tinubu sailed through and came out stronger to become a formidable political colossus that could not be ignored. When President Obasanjo railroaded all the South West states into PDP, Tinubu’s Lagos remained unbowed. President Obasanjo’s deliberate effort led to why he prevailed on IGP Tafa Balogun to ask the FBI if Tinubu had criminal.record in the USA. The response from the FBI vide a letter written to Tafa Balogun cleared Asiwaju Tinubu of any complicity with respect to criminal records or lack of it. Obasanjo was undaunted, went a step further to ensure he did not release Lagos State statutory allocations to financially strangulate the Tinubu administration. The entire motive was to force Tinubu on bended kneels and make him eat the humble pie. Asiwaju Tinubu remained unbowed and stood firm by pursuing the case up to the Supreme Court. He won the case even though the government of the day never wanted to reimburse the state its due allocation. It became a ding-dong affair and Tinubu soldiered on until both of them left the seat of power. Without Lagos accrued allocation, Tinubu piloted Lagos, a metropolitan city, to the level of functional infrastructures and created a roadmap for future appreciation of the challenges of the City.
After Asiwaju Tinubu’s exit from the exalted office of Governor of Lagos, he has never been appointed into any political position, instead he has used his vast political network to create a niche for himself and expanded his frontiers beyond the shores of Lagos to the entire South West geopolitical zone, as well as the country at large. Such a man whose political structure had held sway in Lagos, would naturally incur the wrath of other political players who are unable to break into his political fortress within the state. Tinubu has been able to build men and content, strategy and influence in his foray into national politics. His ability to midwife the merger of the APC with other like-minds presented him as a formidable political player that cannot be ignored. In doing this he has also surmounted a lot of obstacles and created platforms for engaging the political process. As a team player with a rich understanding of the intricate logic of politics, he understands how to build network of influence amongst other players. He may not be your lousy, often boisterous political player, his strategy has worked for him since 1999 when he was elected to govern Lagos state. Tinubu is used to battles and political contestation. He was a pro-democracy activist in the true sense of the word who also deployed his resources to carry out Advocacy that sent the military back to the barracks. His ability to reach out to likeminds and take a plunge at the nick of time, is an uncanny skill of Tinubu that cannot be contested.
A man of many lives, Tinubu has survived battles and he tells you almost effortlessly that those are engagements that make the man wholesome. You cannot be in politics and think of grabbing power by “ala carte”, he reasoned, but your ability to go for what you desire is what differentiates boys from men. Seeing him as a.most assured candidate to succeed the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari, mischief makers have gone to town to awaken dead woods and invoke petty sentiments to undermine him. Typical of a man who understands the dynamics of power and knows too well how to cultivate it, his responses to all the biles have been measured, methodical and instructive. Unruffled in the midst of the cacophony of voices, Tinubu’s campaign approach has become another novel recreation from his heart of hearts. In Minna, he spoke to the crop growers and farmers. In Lafia, he spoke to the miners and solid minerals business owners. In Lagos, he spoke to an array of A-class business moguls and captains of industries who dominate the Organised Private Sector. His responses to issues and questions nagging the consciousness of the people underscored his brilliance and deep knowledge of the contemporary challenges confronting us as a nation. Tinubu is no push over. They have used the subject.matter of health to taunt him as ill-prepared for this plum job, but each time they wish him dead, he comes out smoking hot, well refreshed to contend with the rigours of campaigns. Asiwaju Tinubu has not hidden his health profile even though naysayers would wish the opposite. He did a knee-cap replacement, got healed within months. He doesn’t suffer from BP or Diabetes, but his traducers would wish Asiwaju does not present himself as King.
The 2023 campaign of Asiwaju Tinubu has exposed the media as being part of our existential problems. The media has taken side by the content of what they churn out to undermine and undercut the soaring influence and popularity of Asiwaju. The apology rendered by Arise TV in a couple of days back is suggestive of the bad blood they hold against Asiwaju. First, when he couldn’t attend their Townhall Meeting and Debate, they called him all manners of names. When he turned down their request for one-on-one interview due to his busy schedules, they went for his jugular. Yet, the man remain silent, pursuing his campaigns with equanimity of purpose. When they saw one nameless certified true copy of a document from the pit of hell, they latched unto it without doing due diligence, and thereafter sensationalised a fake letter purportedly issued by INEC against Asiwaju. When INEC denied the authorship of that letter, Arise TV and its co-conspirators coupled with their ex-convict anchor, Rufai Oseni, felt undone. They were caught pants down and their crave for anti-Tinubu became so manifest. Apology sets in. Meanwhile, Dr. Reuben Abati, was one of the image launderers of late Senator Buruji Kashamu, a known drug baron whom Reuben even deputised for during the last Guber election in Ogun state. Former President Obasanjo tried all he could to extradite Kashamu to no avail, but we never heard a word of condemnation from Reuben Abati who has suddenly become the moral compass to assess candidates of 2023 election, with particular interest in de-marketing Asiwaju Tinubu. Rufai Oseni, a known law breaker of no mean repute has been showcasing his disdain for Tinubu, breathing personal sentiments to his discourse, and making the job of an anchor seem more like a judge in a law court. Yet, Tinubu earned an apology from those persons and platform who thought they have suddenly become moralist in a sinful society without sinners.
Like I told a friend last week, there is no negative publicity in politics. Those who are sponsoring biles against Tinubu to de-market him are inadvertently publicising him the more and keeping his name on the lips of the public. A man they love to hate, Asiwaju has come of age and his investment in politics has yielded grounds for a number of followers across the socio-political divides. The more they want to drop him to the base water of.politics, the more the man climbs the ladder of political relevance and authority. Against bookmakers prediction, he clinched the ticket of the APC by virtue of his team.player mentality. Aside from assisting people to pursue and realise their political aspirations, he has also been a performer and goal getter. As a Governor, he was reputed for creating a template that has deepen governance in Lagos state and sustaining the functionality of same. One enduring attribute of Asiwaju Tinubu is his strong political will in taking very sensitive but therapeutic decisions. His understanding of the delicate balance of the nation’s tripod arrangement has also helped him in dealing with situations with equanimity of purpose. Leaders who have capacity to absorb pressure and come out unruffled from every serious engagement often have capacity to deliver on promises. This is why his ActionPlan blueprint has received a lot of boost from industry players and political chieftains across the land. As the 2023 general election draws closer, it is expected that mischief makers would always indulge in their nefarious trade, but it won’t be enough to deny Tinubu the exalted office. Not in 2023.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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