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Tinubu Has Plans To Change Nigeria — Doyin Okupe

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Tinubu Has Plans To Change Nigeria — Doyin Okupe

It Will Take Two Years For Reforms To Bear Fruits
…Says Atiku, Obi Had Nothing To Offer

…2023 Election Was Not Rigged

For Doyin Okupe, sitting on the fence is not an option. He prides himself as a rare politician who speaks without minding whose ox is gored. Mostly misunderstood, he has been around for a long time but has refused to exit the stage.

As a spokesman to two former presidents, he courted controversies and was once dubbed the attack dog to a sitting president. From seeing satire to innuendoes thrown at him, Okupe has waxed stronger brushing aside criticisms, he said he has grown accustomed to and fears no one. To him, eliciting criticisms is the price for being principled, and it amounts to anathema to stay under the radar for fear of being criticised.

In this interview with Isuma Mark of THE WHISTLER, Okupe took on long time political colossus, Atiku Abubakar and 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, dismissing them as having nothing better to offer Nigeria. He lambasted them for daring to propagate what he claimed was a fallacy that the 2023 election was rigged.

He dubbed President Bola Tinubu a reformer in Aso Rock whose policies would begin to yield results from two years of the administration.

Except…

You’ve been in the news lately with critics and supporters saying that you’re looking for a job. What’s happening?
I am 72 years old. I have been a spokesman for two former presidents in Nigeria. I’ve been the spokesman of a major political party, NRC (National Republican Convention). I was also the spokesman of the Liberal Convention.

I have had my bit. Do you understand? I have had my bit. Those who say I’m looking for a job; if you checked that demographic, they are people in their 20s who do not know to us

I have always gone for and spoken strongly about whatever I felt compelled to comment on. That has been my lifestyle. When I supported Obi (Peter), what was I looking for? Obi was not even in the country then. He never lobbied me. He never spoke to me. He never asked for my support.

I went to Abeokuta (Ogun State) and I had a press conference, and I said I am stepping down from running for president and that I will be supporting Peter Obi. What was I looking for then? Because I believed at that time in regional equity and justice for us. Because we believed that the presidency should come to the South.

After a Northerner had been there for eight years, there is an existing understanding in the polity of this country among the political elites that the presidency would rotate between the North — not only between the zones but between the North and the South. So, if the presidency is coming to the South, there are three zones in the South—South-West, South-South and South-East.

It was only the South-East that had not had a shot at it. Nobody lobbied me, no human being on earth came to me, and pleaded for my support.

I personally, having conferred with Chief Ayo Adebanjo, who advisedly decided that I should support the South East. The best candidate at that time in the South-East, in PDP, was Peter Obi.

So, that’s why I went to support him. So, what was I looking for? That is my style. That is how I am.

When I was in the NRC, I was one of the campaign directors for Bashir Tofar. We campaigned vigorously around the country, but we lost the election. The military tried to play a game, tried to recruit us, and they did, they finally recruited us (the NRC) to support the annulment.

I left and resigned from my membership of NRC and joined NADECO (National Democratic Coalition) at the time when my colleagues in the NRC — I was in the top bracket of NRC — were being made ministers, I left it and I joined NADECO.

Abiola (MKO) did not call me, nobody called me, but that was what was just, and that was what was fair. That has always been the underlying theme in our philosophy in all my political engagements.

When I supported Obasanjo in 1998, Obasanjo never, ever called me. I didn’t know him closely. We were not friends, we were not colleagues, we were not anything. But I believed that this was a general who had strength and capacity, and he would do well, better than any other candidates, including Falae, who I had been very close to because of NADECO.

I held a press conference, and I announced that I was going to support Obasanjo. Obasanjo did not know anything about it, and on the first of December 1998, I drove to Ota Farm to meet Obasanjo and declared support for him.

That’s how my journey with him started. So, those who see what I’m doing with Bola Tinubu today and thinking that it was some personal dream, I told you, they can only be young people who do not know. They don’t have the history; they don’t know what my pedigree is. I am a man that supports what I consider to be fair and just even if it is to my detriment.

I met the president, Tinubu, about a week ago. I’ve not seen him for seven or eight years. I have not spoken to him on the phone. He didn’t talk to me. But he’s somebody I know very well politically. We have never been on the same side before in politics but we’ve always shared a camaraderie since our NADECO days. We came very, very close. When you’re in the trenches and you’re fighting a liberation war or another, you tend to be bonded more than just ordinarily when there are no issues.

From that time, till when he was governor and left as governor, I’ve had opportunities to sit with Bola Tinubu for three hours unending. And he has impressed me, not only as a politician, but as a technocrat, a man that was capable of deep thinking.

He has developmental ideologies and policies at his fingertips. This thing, you don’t learn it. It’s a gift.

The last time we had anybody close to him was Awolowo (Obafemi). Awolowo was a very serious-minded politician, but who had ideas of public policies that would benefit the masses. That is what Bola Tinubu is today.

Bola Tinubu, you know, in the villa, we have a reformer, a president who is a reformer.

I’ve heard some people saying that Bola Tinubu came to the office without a plan, he has no clue, that is balderdash, that is total nonsense.

I have worked with two past presidents. I have studied other presidents closely from a very close point. I don’t know any Nigerian president from 1960 to date who has come more armed, better prepared for governance than this gentleman.

Unfortunately for him, he has come into government at a very terrible and awful time. And when I met him, I told him, ‘are you out of your mind?’How would you want to succeed a Buhari (Muhammadu) administration, eight years of total abandonment, decadence and retrogression?

He said that is his passion. He was driven by that passion to help Nigeria. Having been part and parcel of those who brought Buhari, you can’t blame somebody for bringing a leader. If the leader does not perform, it’s unfortunate. But if you are brave enough to say, yes, you know, whatever you have done wrong, let us put our necks out and correct it. And this is what this guy is doing.

How can you ask him, how can you ask a president, Bola Tinubu, how can you hold him accountable for the ills of 30, 40 years? And for the two-terms of national abandonment of the last eight years, it’s unfair, it’s unrealistic.

And go and check it, being a reformer, you know, he didn’t ask me to say this, but I’m telling you from my own common sense and understanding of how government works, Bola Tinubu will need a minimum of two years for some of his policies to be properly grounded, established and to begin to produce results.

I have gone to read history, I read about Lin Kuan Yew. Lin Kuan Yew had, you know, Singapore, and at that point in time, the other country next to it, Malaysia, before they pulled out. He had those 31 years to rule that country, to ground that country, to transform that nation from third world to first world. 31 years, I read his book.

He said, I did certain things that were not okay. He was even almost draconian at some points, but, you know, he was focused on what he wanted to do, Just like Bola Tinubu today appears to be very strong-minded, very focused, and determined to pull this through.

It’s going to be a couple of years of pain and hardship, but he’s doing what other presidents for the last 10, 20 years have refused to do. The choice he had was to run and was to come into governance and just continue business as usual. By the time he came to the government, 98% of our revenue generated was being used to pay debt

Arbitrage on the foreign exchange was at an alarming rate. We were subsidising power, subsidising hype, subsidising virtually everything. We have over-borrowed and we are now going back to the nefarious and condemnable, financially undisciplined act of printing currency. We printed more than 21 trillion. Nobody can continue like that. If we continue like that, we will become a totally devastating, failed state by now.

So, we should commend him, support him, pray for him, cooperate with him, and endure the hardship for this short period and wait for the results. The opposition is running helter-skelter, talking about all sorts of things.

The real opposition are Abubakar Atiku and maybe Peter Obi. In the first instance, the opposition appears to be unrealistic, saying the presidency was stolen. There’s nothing like that. No presidency was stolen. I’m not saying there was no rigging.

There was no election that we have done in Nigeria since 1960 to date that was not rigged, not one maybe Abiola’s election because of the unique nature of the voting pattern. You know it was Option A4 people were counted, apart from that every other election was rigged.

We were in this country when a sitting president (Umar Yar’adua) said the process that brought him into power was flawed. That was when he put up that Alias committee.

He confessed that it was flawed. I was involved in the process that brought Obasanjo. I was involved in the process that brought Yaradua

I was involved in the process that brought G.E.J. I knew about what brought in Buhari. All without exception were flawed. All.

So, talking about rigging, that’s not the issue. But you see, you only rig where you are strong. So, if you look at it properly, when three major candidates emerged for that election, it was obvious that we will have a minority administration.

Obi was substantially supported by the Southeast. And if the Labour Party or Obi, think that people rigged, APC rigged, how did Obi win the heartland of Bola Tinbubu? Why didn’t Bola Tinubu rig Lagos for himself? Why? If Obi said or the Labour Party said APC rigged the election, how come Obi was able to win the home base of Bola Tinubu? How come APC lost the election in the home base of a sitting president? How come APC lost the election in the home base of the Secretary to that government? The accusation about rigging does not hold water at all. It doesn’t hold water.

The truth of the matter is that under the best of conditions, the results we got may not have been the exact results but they will have that ratio. I was in a Labour party. We couldn’t have done better than we did. I knew that for other reasons, but that’s a discussion for another day.

And in any case, you know, when you look at it today, critically, Bola Tinubu has come into this government with better policy documentation than any of these two rivals by far.

Atiku is a magnificent, experienced, knowledgeable, and thoroughbred politician. I am telling you that I knew that for a fact. He also came with a testament, all right, that, you know, could hold sway, a testament which would have been, if he won, would have been binding on him to Nigeria.

But when we put the testament side by side, which is the correct reality we have on the ground today, it’s not applicable. The testament, the documents, and his preparation were hinged mainly on obtaining some funds, $10 billion and $15 billion or so.

They had that $15 billion and $5 billion, you know, loans, which they intend to inject into the economy and they sort a couple of things out.

That was theoretical. Because by the time Buhari was leaving, nobody was going to borrow Nigeria money Again. If people were ready to borrow Nigerian money, Buhari would not have had to go and print money. We were no longer credit worthy by the majority of the international financial institutions.

The premises and the pillars which Atiku placed this testament on are what you call sinking sand, they can’t work.

As for Peter Obi, Peter Obi has not given any documents to Nigerians as to what he was going to do. I can tell you for a fact.

I’ve admitted Atiku’s own but in the Labour Party, we did not have a document that we could adopt as our panacea for what was going on. All we were saying was that we want to take Nigeria from consumption to production. Good rhetorics but it’s not grounded either in policy development or in principle application.

I never supported Bola Tinubu, he’s not my person. He’s not; we’re not in the same party.

But in retrospect now, his reform, I mean, his agenda, his agenda that he brought, the Renewable Hope Agenda is the most credible document that can address and is addressing the current situation. And as you can see, it is being meticulously applied.

First of all, when he came, he came and removed the subsidy, and not removed the subsidy, but announced that the subsidy was removed because Buhari had already removed the subsidy. From June 1st, there was no subsidy provision in the project. So, the statement that the subsidy was gone was just an acceptable confirmation of an event that had happened. This was superfluous, but the subsidy was actually removed.

Next, he attacked the arbitrage in the foreign exchange section. And this is what I bring Bola Tinubu and his government for. Unknown to many Nigerians, I mean, people were feeding fat on foreign exchange earnings.

There were people who didn’t do any job. They just used contacts in the CBN, and collected one million dollars every week and got the difference, and made stupendous wealth. All that has gone, this man has stopped it.

After that, I mean, see, he has now implemented the student loan program. After that, he implemented this consumer protection thing, providing money for low-income earners and all that, in a systematic manner.

Monies that were being owed over seven billion dollars, that were being owed and were going to cripple so many things, the criminal activities in the country, they paid them off. The ways and means of 21 trillion naira that was a deficit have also been neutralised.

And you say that the man does not have a plan! Now, you know, two months after coming to government, he put up a committee to look into the tax reforms for the country, which was in his agenda before he came. So, this man has the systematic, reliable, focused, applicable agenda that can take Nigeria out of the woods.

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PUBLIC NOTICE: STRONG WARNING & DISCLAIMER

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PUBLIC NOTICE: STRONG WARNING & DISCLAIMER

 

The general public is hereby strongly warned to exercise extreme caution regarding any dealings with Joseph Enyinnaya Eze, popularly known as Dracomiles who claims to operate as a Forex trader in Nigeria and the United Kingdom. Multiple reports and complaints have raised serious concerns about his business activities, dubious act. warranting immediate public attention.

 

Anyone who has already engaged with or been affected by these activities should urgently report the matter to the EFCC (Nigeria), Action Fraud (UK), or their nearest law enforcement authority.

 

This notice is issued in the interest of public safety and financial protection and should be treated with the utmost seriousness.

 

Signed,

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS

PRINCE EMMANUEL BENNY DANSON.

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Obi’s Civility Mandate: Reclaiming Opposition Politics from the Politics of Toxicity

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Obi’s Civility Mandate: Reclaiming Opposition Politics from the Politics of Toxicity

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | SaharaWeeklyNG.com

“Why condemning insults against coalition partners is not just strategy, but a moral imperative for Nigeria’s democratic renewal.”

 

In an era when political discourse increasingly resembles a battlefield littered with verbal grenades, Peter Obi’s unmistakable declaration that “anyone insulting ADC leaders is a criminal, not an Obidient” marks not merely a rhetorical pivot, but a fundamental moral stance in Nigeria’s fractious political landscape.

 

Obi, the former Labour Party presidential candidate and one of the most consequential voices in Nigerian politics today, delivered the statement at an engagement of his Obidient Movement. In unmistakable terms he dissociated himself and his movement from the tidal wave of infighting poisoning the opposition coalition, insisting that resorting to name-calling, mudslinging and personal attacks does not belong in the politics he envisions for the nation.

 

This stance is not a trivial reprimand. It is a clarion call for a higher standard of political engagement at a time when Nigeria grapples with deepening insecurity, unemployment, institutional dysfunction and widening distrust between leaders and citizens. The significance of Obi’s statement is profound and its implications extend well beyond intra-party disagreements.

 

A Foundational Rejection of Toxic Politics.

Mr. Obi’s emphasis that verbal attacks against coalition partners or whether within the African Democratic Congress (ADC) coalition or among the broader opposition (are signs of criminal behavior, not genuine political advocacy) reframes how political movements should conduct themselves.

 

He refused to allow political identity to be weaponized against personal dignity. In his own words, those hurling insults are not authentic Obidients but “criminals that are not Obidient people.”

 

This matters for two reasons:

 

It anchors political contestation back to ideas and governance priorities rather than personality attacks.

 

It preserves the moral credibility of a movement that has attracted millions of Nigerians tired of corrosive politics.

 

In saying so, Obi effectively rejects a politics of vitriol that has, for decades, stood as an impediment to democratic deepening in Nigeria. Where political debate once focused on issues and policy, it all too often collapses into ad hominem attacks, death of ideas by drowning in anger.

 

Context: Opposition Realignment and Internal Strain.

Nigeria’s opposition has been in flux since the 2023 general elections. Parties and movements coalesced into what became the ADC coalition, seeking to offer a viable alternative to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Embedded within that coalition are figures such as former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Rotimi Amaechi, Nasir el-Rufai and other veterans of Nigeria’s political field.

 

As Obi engaged with the coalition, tensions emerged. Supporters of different aspirants, driven by fervent hope for leadership change, began to clash (sometimes online, sometimes in street protests) over ideas of zoning, prioritization and political leadership direction. Some of these disputes degraded into personal attacks.

 

In response, Obi’s emphatic repudiation of those attacks was not mere politeness. It was a strategic and ethical refusal to allow the opposition’s project to be undermined by the very habits of contempt that Nigerians have grown weary of under years of governance failures.

 

Why Civility Is Strategic Politics.

At first glance, insisting on respectful dialogue might appear soft politics in a hard political world. Yet respected political theorists have long argued that healthy democracies require norms of mutual respect, even amidst passionate disagreement.

 

The late political scientist Robert Dahl observed that “democracy is not merely a system of institutions; it is a culture of respect, dialogue and mutual tolerance.” When that culture is abandoned for polarization, democratic systems weaken and may eventually collapse into extremism or authoritarian habits.

 

By repudiating insults (even from within his own rank and file) Obi demonstrates an adherence to democratic norms that scholars say are essential for political legitimacy. Political psychologist Dr. Jonathan Haidt echoes this in his work on social cohesion, arguing that political movements that police toxic language are better positioned to build inclusive coalitions and durable governance frameworks. Such restraint signals maturity and a long-term view of national interest over short-term factional advantage.

 

A Principle-First Approach, Not Personality Politics.

Obi’s rebuke of abusive rhetoric is not a call for blind loyalty or silence in disagreement. Rather, it is a principled commitment that disagreements within democratic politics should advance through debate, persuasion and principle, never through degrading those with whom one disagrees.

 

This distinction is crucial. Civility is not the absence of dissent; it is dissent conducted with dignity.

 

This stance distinguishes Obi’s Obidient Movement from other movements in Nigerian politics. It counters narratives that portray his supporters as reactive or hostile and positions them instead as advocates of disciplined political engagement focused on solving Nigeria’s systemic problems.

 

Reframing Political Discourse: Issues Over Insults.

In his statement, Obi urged supporters to concentrate on the pressing challenges Nigeria faces: out-of-school children, hunger, unemployment, insecurity and widespread kidnappings.

 

This grounding in substantive issues reflects a broader philosophy in policy-oriented politics: discourse should elevate concerns that affect citizens’ lives rather than consume itself with internal squabbles.

 

Former U.S. President Abraham Lincoln captured the essence of political purpose when he said, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” In a Nigerian context, if opposition politics devotes itself to name-calling, it betrays the very voters demanding accountability, competence and sustainable governance.

 

The Political Risks of Toxicity.

Why does this matter now, because toxicity in political movements is not just unprofessional, it is harmful.

 

Political science research shows that:

 

Electoral alliances built on bitter internal conflict rarely endure. Sections of coalition partners may defect, voter confidence may erode and narratives of incompetence can gain traction.

 

Toxic discourse can amplify divisions along ethnic, regional and religious lines, which Nigeria, with its historical regional and identity sensitivities, cannot afford ahead of national elections.

 

When insults become normalized, adversaries of democratic reform benefit. They use chaos to justify centralization, suppression or rule by decree. What starts as internal bickering can metastasize into a crisis of legitimacy and national instability.

 

Obi’s Leadership Test.

By disowning verbal attacks, Obi invites his supporters (and Nigerian politics) to a far higher standard of engagement. He calls for restraint without surrendering ambition; for firmness without bitterness; for advocacy without abuse.

 

In doing so, Obi’s message resonates with scholars like Norman Ornstein, who asserts that “democracy dies in darkness and thrives in the light of thoughtful, civil, informed dialogue.” This is not a call for passivity. It is a call to elevate the discourse while staying laser-focused on outcomes that impact Nigeria’s future.

 

Parting Thought: A Turn Toward Democratic Maturity.

Peter Obi’s statement is not a garden-variety political rebuke. It is a critical inflection point in Nigerian politics that emphasizes:

 

The importance of respect in political coalitions

 

The necessity of focusing on policy and governance not personalities

 

The moral foundation for opposition unity built on discourse not division

 

As Nigeria prepares for future elections and the challenges of nation-building ahead, Obi’s stance reminds us that leadership begins with how we speak to and about one another. Civility in politics is not weakness, it is strength, courage and a profound demonstration of a movement that seeks to govern with integrity, not insult.

 

In a country yearning for change, repositioning political language toward respect and substance may be the most transformative act of leadership of all.

 

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Forging a New Strategic Nexus: Nigeria and Türkiye Redefine Partnership for Shared Prosperity

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Forging a New Strategic Nexus: Nigeria and Türkiye Redefine Partnership for Shared Prosperity.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“A Landmark Suite of Strategic Agreements Signals Economic Growth, Security Collaboration, Educational Exchange and Institutional Cooperation Between Two Emerging Powerhouses.”

 

In a moment of far‑sighted diplomacy and strategic alignment, Nigeria and Türkiye have taken a decisive leap forward in bilateral cooperation, signing a comprehensive suite of nine agreements that collectively articulate a bold vision for their partnership in the twenty‑first century. The signing ceremony, held in Ankara with Nigerian Head of State Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan presiding, was more than a ceremonial exchange of documents and though it was a moment that signals shared ambition, mutual respect and a sincere commitment to cooperative development across multiple sectors.

 

These agreements are neither symbolic nor superficial. They represent tangible frameworks that will govern cooperation in areas vital to national growth: diaspora engagement, media development, higher education, quality standards and halal certification, economic and trade cooperation, military collaboration, diplomatic training, social development and women’s empowerment. Together, they define not only the broad contours of a reinvigorated relationship between Nigeria and Türkiye, but also a blueprint for cooperation that other nations may soon emulate.

 

For Nigeria (Africa’s most populous nation and one of its largest economies) this moment is especially consequential. For Türkiye, a pivotal Eurasian player with an expansive foreign policy footprint, deepening collaboration with Nigeria reinforces its influence across Africa and strengthens its ties with an important economic partner. Importantly, these agreements reflect a nuanced relationship grounded in mutual interests, not mere diplomacy for diplomacy’s sake.

 

From Diaspora to Diplomacy: Agreements That Matter.

The nine signed agreements provide a roadmap for collaboration that is practical, multidimensional and forward‑leaning. Their strategic value lies in both the sum of the parts and the breadth of sectors they encompass.

 

Diaspora Policy Cooperation:

A memorandum of understanding on diaspora policy was signed between the Turkish Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities and Nigeria’s Commission for Nigerians in the Diaspora. This pact recognizes the centrality of diaspora communities as bridges for cultural exchange, investment flows, and transnational innovation. Scholars like Dr. Amina El‑Bushra, an expert in transnational studies, have long argued that diaspora engagement is “a strategic asset for national development when harnessed through institutional cooperation rather than ad hoc efforts.” This agreement, therefore, positions both nations to tap into human capital networks that stretch across continents.

 

Media and Communication Collaboration:

In an era where narrative shapes reality, cooperation on media and communication provides a mechanism for shared learning, exchange of expertise and professional development in journalism and broadcasting. The memorandum envisages joint seminars, training programs, exchange visits and information sharing. Media scholar Prof. Umer Farooq has observed, “In an interconnected world, media policies that encourage cross‑cultural engagement are vital to strengthening democratic discourse and countering misinformation.” The agreement lays a foundation for media ecosystems in both countries to evolve through shared standards and cross‑border perspectives.

 

Higher Education and Academic Exchange:

The memorandum on higher education cooperation speaks to the future of intellectual exchange and capacity building. Nigerian and Turkish universities will now have an institutional platform to expand collaborative research, student exchange and staff development programs. Education expert Dr. Kelechi A. Okonkwo emphasizes that “expanded academic cooperation enables the transfer of knowledge and skills necessary for national development, fostering innovation that transcends borders.” This pact is likely to enhance academic pathways, research collaborations and cultural understanding.

 

Halal Quality Infrastructure:

A memorandum between Türkiye’s Halal Accreditation Agency and Nigeria’s National Accreditation System will strengthen halal certification infrastructure. Halal markets are expansive and growing globally, reflecting significant economic and cultural values. Experts in global trade such as Dr. Sanjay Jain describe halal certification not merely as a market niche, but as “a strategic sector that links production, trade and cultural identity.” This agreement is poised to unlock export potential and facilitate Nigeria’s deeper integration into global halal value chains.

 

Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO):

Perhaps the most consequential pact is the joint declaration establishing the Joint Economic and Trade Committee. This institutional mechanism creates a sustained platform for economic dialogue, private sector engagement, and policy coordination, intended to stimulate bilateral trade and investment. According to official statements, Nigeria has become Türkiye’s largest trading partner in Sub‑Saharan Africa which is a milestone that underscores the economic significance of this relationship. The bilateral trade volume in the first eleven months of the previous year was near historic highs, even before the full implementation of these agreements.

 

Military Cooperation and Security Architecture:

The protocol on military cooperation underscores a deepening security partnership between the two nations. Nigerian defense forces have previously engaged with Turkish defense technology, including the acquisition of military helicopters that enhance operational capacity. This cooperation reflects shared interests in ensuring stability, combating insecurity and building indigenous capabilities in defense sectors. Security analyst Dr. Amara Eze notes that “strategic defense cooperation grounded in shared values strengthens both national and regional security architectures.”

 

Education, Diplomatic Training, and Social Development:

Additional agreements on general education cooperation, diplomatic academy exchange and women’s empowerment initiatives capture the holistic nature of this bilateral framework. They extend cooperation to institutional strengthening, professional training in foreign service and social policies that promote inclusion and gender equity. Such agreements resonate with global development norms and respond to calls from civil society leaders who champion capacity building and inclusive governance.

 

A New Chapter in Bilateral Relations.

The sweeping scope of these nine agreements signals far more than transactional diplomacy. They reveal a shared commitment to institutional cooperation, economic integration, cultural exchange and security collaboration. What emerges is a holistic relationship built on mutual respect, shared interests and a long‑term vision.

 

President Tinubu’s words during the joint press conference in Ankara encapsulated this sentiment when he pledged deepened cooperation on security, trade and inclusive development, affirming that Nigeria stands with partners who share commitments to democracy, freedom and prosperity. Likewise, President Erdoğan emphasized Türkiye’s readiness to support Nigeria’s security and economic aspirations.

 

International affairs scholar Dr. Harriet Mensah succinctly contextualizes this moment: “Partnerships grounded in strategic alignment and mutual benefit are the bedrock of twenty‑first century diplomacy. When nations invest in holistic cooperation (from academia to defense to trade) they build relationships that endure beyond political cycles.”

 

Summative Insight: A Blueprint for Shared Success.

The nine agreements signed between Nigeria and Türkiye define a new chapter in their bilateral relationship with one that transcends rhetoric to establish pragmatic cooperation across multiple domains of national significance. They anchor economic aspirations, strengthen institutional ties, nurture educational and cultural exchange and fortify security collaboration.

 

As the global order becomes increasingly interconnected and competitive, the Nigeria‑Türkiye partnership stands out as a bold example of how nations with shared ambitions can craft a comprehensive framework for mutual growth. This suite of agreements is not merely a diplomatic milestone; it is a strategic foundation upon which both nations can build sustainable futures characterized by economic resilience, security cooperation and meaningful engagement on the world stage.

 

In the words of a renowned development expert, “Partnership is not merely signing agreements, but embedding collaboration into the very structures that shape national progress.” With these nine agreements, Nigeria and Türkiye have done just that.

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