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Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola

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Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola
Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr?  Since May 29,  2015 when it bumbled into  power, the President Muhammadu Buhari-led government has been moonwalking along the path of tyranny and confusion, yet pretending to be on a roller skate to integrity and democracy made in Katsina. Painfully, there are no moments of accidental brilliance in an administration blighted by hypocrisy, impunity, insensitivity, clannishness and fruitlessness.
Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola
Even in death, the world remains indebted to eternal King of Pop, Michael Jackson. Hailing from a large family of musical greats, Michael didn’t own a patent for his Jackson surname, but with a matchless class of genius, he made his first name the most popular of all Michaels.
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His initials, MJ, he distinguishingly owned in a world brimming with millions of people who share the same acronym but not his pizzazz. With 39 Guinness Book of Records milestones, MJ was the most awarded artist in the history of popular music. He was also the ‘Most Successful Entertainer of All Time’.
Call him the king of music, lord of entertainment and god of dance, you won’t be charged with blasphemy. Michael popularised the ‘Moonwalk’ dance, also known as ‘Backslide’ or ‘Glide’ in his hit song, Billie Jean, in 1982.
Moonwalk is a dance move wherein the dancer glides backwards while appearing to be walking forward. Lord, rest his soul; Michael was more melodious than music and smoother than dance. Michael understood the unspoken language that vitalises the soul and body – dance.
Since May 29,  2015 when it bumbled into  power, the President Muhammadu Buhari-led government has been moonwalking along the path of tyranny and confusion, yet pretending to be on a roller skate to integrity and democracy made in Katsina. Painfully, there are no moments of accidental brilliance in an administration blighted by hypocrisy, impunity, insensitivity, clannishness and fruitlessness.
The number of fresh skulls at Golgotha climbed up yearly since 2015, spiralling in 2020 with unaccounted deaths from Boko Haram terrorists, kidnappers, cultists, bandits and the recent #ENDSARS protests.
Days after the EndSars protest which started as a campaign against the alleged brutality and abuse of citizens rights by the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS) of the Nigeria police force turned bloody resulting in orchestrated arson attacks, reckless attacks and killings of persons both civilians and security agents, burning and looting of public and private properties across the country, there is an uneasy calm as grief, despondency and anger still reign in the air.
Despite the promised Midas touch by President Buhari, Nigeria’s economy hasn’t turned to gold but dust has continued to swirl from the cracks and fragments of a crumbling economy. Sadly, the nosedive in all segments of the national economy appears unpreventable by the President and his uncreative team.
Virtually, no segment of Nigeria’s growth indices hasn’t witnessed decline since 2015 when Buhari took over the reins of power with Nigeria winning the global capital of poverty title under his watch in  2018.
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Just as governance has been on the decline since 1999, sports have not fared any better in the last few years. Nigerian football, especially, has clattered down the peak of honour and prestige since 2013 when the departed Stephen Okechukwu Keshi shockingly guided the Super Eagles to win the African Cup of Nations in South Africa, land of the Madiba.
Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola
The competence of the current manager of the Super Eagles, Gernot Rohr, was questioned when the team pathetically surrendered a 4-0 lead to the Leone Stars of Sierra Leone in Benin a few days ago during a Group L, African Nations Cup qualifying match, drawing 4-4.
Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola
Before the shameful show in Benin City, the senior national team, since 2014, had been a lackluster convocation of wingless, beakless and clawless Eagles, flocking on land with chickens.
In the same year that Buhari became president, the land-dwelling Eagles failed to qualify for AFCON to defend the title they won in 2013. They also failed to qualify for AFCON in 2017.
Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola
But there is a point of divergence between the Buhari-led team and the roar-less team led by Rohr.
Whereas Buhari built his federal executive cabinet team with the best brains within the All Progressives Congress, Rohr inherited a team whose best players made insignificant impacts in their respective clubs.
Disenchanted by the horrendous 4-4 draw against Sierra Leone at home and 0-0 draw away, Nigeria’s best sports minister in decades, Sunday Dare, apologised for the disaster, tweeting that Nigeria deserves a better coach.
Who should Nigerians trust: Buhari or Rohr? By Tunde Odesola
Similarly, a member of the 1980 AFCON-winning Eagles, Segun Odegbami, and a  member of the 1994 AFCON-winning team, Daniel Amokachi, expressed the frustration of Nigerians with the 4-4 draw against Leone Stars, calling for the sacking of the German, who had won 29 matches, drew 14 and lost 10.
Popularly called ‘Mathematical’ because of his pin-point touchline dribbling runs, an exasperated Odegbami lamented, “He (Rohr) may be a good coach but what are his credentials? My belief is that anyone who will coach the Eagles must make the team a world class team capable of winning the World Cup.
The trained engineer added, “Rohr cannot deliver that. He’s not the world class coach we are looking for. We’ve seen him work for four years, and what we saw in two critical moments in Russia and Egypt, he convinced me that he’s not the one to lead Nigeria tio Eldorado.”
Amokachi, who featured in two World Cups, said: “Football these days, there’s no patience. It’s the result that matters. The person (Rohr) has been in charge of the team for five years, but you cannot write anything about those years he has been in charge. Is he the right person to take Nigeria in the right direction, I don’t think so.”
But a popular football pundit and CEO, Elegbete TV/Radio, Eseoghene Edafe, backed Rohr to stay on the job, saying sacking Rohr, a former Bayern Munich player and former manager of Bordeaux FC of France, wasn’t in the interest of the country.
A mechanical engineer from the University of Port Harcourt and former Sharks FC player, Edafe said, “Nigeria runs a football system that is poorly funded. We used to have players that played regularly for Inter Milan, Ajax, Arsenal, Chelsea, Barcelona, Club Brugge, Anderlecht, Everton, Dortmund, Monaco etc but not anymore.
“When Rohr came, we didn’t have a league, our leagues were ending abruptly. Our players have not been consistent in the last four years in Europe. You can’t put our players side-by-side with those of top African players like Mane, Salah, Aubemeyang, Mahrez, whose teams have been together in the past eight years. Osimhen is a good player but he needs to settle in, he has played for five clubs in the last three seasons.”
“We should consider the fact that three key players, Mikel Obi, Victor Moses and Odion Ighalo, have left the team. When Rohr saw the inconsistency of the team, he began to invite Nigerian players of foreign descent. Take a look at our defence, you will see that the players we have are struggling – Kenneth Omeruo is battling with injury, Leon Balogun didn’t play for an entire 10 months, and Troost Ekong is neither here nor there.
“Who among our keepers today can bench any of these our former keepers, Peter Rufai, Ike Shorunmu, Wilfred Agbonavbare, Alloy Agu and Vincent Enyeama, who all played regularly for their respective first division clubs in Europe? Nowadays, our keepers play for second, third and fourth divisions of unknown leagues.
Edafe said the Eagles midfield lacks bite because there’s no creativity, insisting that Keshi won the AFCON because he had an admixture of very good home-based players and Europe-based pros, which he said is lacking today.
He said such options were available when Clemens Westerhof had the likes of home-based players such as Chidi Nwanu, Friday Elahor, Edema Fuludu, Isaac Semitoje, Humphrey Edebor etc who could bench Europe-based players.
Now, I ask: if Nigeria sacks Rohr, can she afford to pay his $50,000 monthly salary for the remainder of his three-year contract, which is $1.8million, if we add that of his assistants to it, it will come down to roughly $3.5million?
If the country negotiates an out-of-court settlement and the money comes down to say $2.5million, Nigeria that couldn’t send her athletes to major competitions can’t pay such money and hire a new coach.
I’ll choose Rohr over Buhari. Each time Nigerians looked up to Team Buhari and chorused, “All we are saying, give us one goal,” the ever-disappointing team booted the ball out of the entire stadium. Begging scoring chances in security, economy, education, infrastructure etc sectors had been wasted by the captain and his lame team.
Facebook: @tunde odesola
Twitter: @tunde_odesola

Politics

Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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