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Why APC Governors are afraid of direct primaries – Shehu Sani reveals
Senator Shehu Sani, representing Kaduna Central Zone, has told The Akelicious that his recent meeting with President Muhammadu Buhari in Daura, during last Salah was not aimed at achieving upper hand against Governor Nasir El-Rufai, but to assure the President of his loyalty and support. He said most governors are afraid of direct primaries because they have lost touch with the people.
The National Assembly is yet to resume after purported plans to impeach Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki. How do you see this?
First and foremost, the crisis in the National Assembly was fomented because of the leadership style of former chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief John Oyegun. He was unable to unite the party, forge a common front and address some issues that faced the party at the early stages before they degenerated to an unbearable level.
If the former party leadership had addressed the crises in the states, especially in Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Kogi and Rivers, among others, we wouldn’t be where we are today. It is the crises in the states that became the crises in the National Assembly. And the opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) cashed in on the crises to woo APC chieftains, especially legislators to their side.
But this is common in politics. People take advantage, just like parties, which was what they did. The current situation in the National Assembly and the nation is one where there exists a mutual distrust between APC caucus in the National Assembly and leadership of the National Assembly. Unfortunately, APC frittered away opportunities in the last three years, simply because some people assumed they were more important than others.
In a party, it is expected that every card-carrying member should be treated with dignity and given a sense of belonging. But suddenly, they created a new formula for measuring commitment to the party, based on whether you are pro or anti-Buhari. But how can you say some senators are pro or anti-Buhari, when every Senator elected on the party’s platform is supposed to support the President? Does criticising the President mean you are anti-President? Does going to bow before the President every time make you pro-President?
We are a party, and we came to power as a result of objection and protest against the inherent criminality of misrule that characterised the country in the past. So, we are supposed to set a standard for equity, transparency and adherence to democratic values and principles. But, we failed in that direction in the sense that we became enemies of ourselves. We were hostile to one another, and trying to pull one another down.
The postponement of the resumption of the National Assembly is as a result of anticipation of crisis, of the problems that may arise as a result of the present situation. There is fear on the part of those who thought there are attempts to overthrow the National Assembly leadership illegally and install a new one. Also, there is an insistence by the ruling party that, as the majority, we are supposed to produce the leadership. And all APC members have keyed into that.
But, proper reasoning is prevailing now; that what should be done is follow democratic procedure. It should not be about cordoning off the National Assembly, with the military going there to take over. I’m so glad that Adams Oshiomhole’s coming has saved the APC. Before his coming, APC was on a death row. He brought back life into the party. And because of his intervention, I can say many of us decided to stay back.
You were able to secure a reprieve to contest Senatorial seat in 2019…
Well, my visit to Buhari was to pay homage and to fully assure him of our commitment and determination to support and stand by him at this trying period. All along, when many of us rained abuses and criticisms, many people thought we were anti-Buhari. But because I criticised Buhari does not mean I was anti-Buhari. My criticising Buhari’s policies at times, is to express my opinion as a man with an activist background, as well as give him a sense of direction. I am convinced that his leadership is progressive. We have a lot in common. I am a socialist through ideological leaning, and many of his programmes and policies are in that direction.
For instance, I am opposed to the sale of refineries and the Nigeria Liquefied and Natural Gas (NLNG). I am for the role of state in socio-economy and political transformation of the economy. I am for policies and programmes that will better the lives of the masses. I am a revolutionary, one that is committed to liberating our people from economic woes. However, while it is natural for one to express his/her opinion on issues, it shouldn’t get to the point of humiliating the President. Buhari is someone I have known not just personally, but also through my parents for a very long time. But that does not mean I shouldn’t say so, when things are going wrong.
He is also a critic. He had been criticising previous governments. He expressed his views on issues during previous governments. So, he has never told me not to speak out my mind. I believe there are only a few of us that will always stand by him, even when he is out of power. Because he is in power today, many people are rallying round him, which is natural. But you ask yourself: Where are those who rallied round Ibrahim Babangida? They are nowhere to be found today. Where are those that rallied round Abacha, Abdulsalami, Obasanjo, Yar’adua and Goodluck Jonathan? They have all been abandoned.
When you are in position of power, you are bound to attract so-called loyalists and sycophants, who will sing your praises and beat pleasant drums. But it is all about their personal interests and how to secure their seats in the corridors of power. Personally, I can handle my political business myself. I have never had a godfather throughout my life struggles. Activists don’t have godfathers. Rather, we are driven by our conscience, conviction and the fact that we are able to plant ourselves in the hearts of the masses. Again, we are not desperate about power or privileges. We also don’t see politics as a career. Those who consider politics a career can’t survive outside it. Activists only see politics as an opportunity to serve the masses, to make impact and uplift society.
Many saw your stance against el Rufai as a principled one to wrest the party from dictatorial tendencies. Now, it appears you want to sacrifice all that for a ticket?
My view about him is the one I express whenever things go wrong. We both criticise each other. And when he doesn’t like what I do, he speaks out and vice versa. If I can speak out against the President, who is el Rufai? I have been speaking out, even before he became a governor. By age, he is older than me, but by politics I am older than him. He was nowhere in the 90s, when I was struggling for the emancipation of our nation from military dictatorship.
Personally, I don’t see my ticket coming from El-Rufai. Rather, I see it coming from the people that elected me into office. And I want to bring to attention the fact that he has said it clearly that in 2015, I was never his candidate, but I emerged as a Senator. So, if I could emerge a Senator without being his candidate, I will continue to do so for as long as my people continue voting for me.
What you need to understand is that he also wants to be reelected. So, we are both going to shop in the same market. If this party wants to genuinely become democratic and progressive, then it must give people chance to aspire for any position. If el Rufai has any plan or makes attempt to impose a candidate on my position, he should remember that power is temporary. He can’t be there forever.
We have seen dictators and tyrants in the history of this country, but where are they now?
I criticise him not because I don’t like him. And I believe that those who are singing his praises do not truly like him. When he is wrong, I certainly have to criticise him. We differ in ideological viewpoints. He is from the political establishment. He is from the reactionary conservative right, while I am from the left side of the political divide. So, we differ in all perspectives. I have suffered a lot of persecution in the last few years from violent attacks on my office and an attempt to frame me up with murder by him. And there is also manipulation of the party to suspend me. All other things done against me through the party were done either directly or indirectly by him. I am very confident that I am going to win the election. I also want you to know that el-Rufai and I have been in court for the past six months. He sued me in Kaduna High Court for N2bn and I have also sued him for N5bn.
What he should also understand is that there will come a time he will walk the streets of Kaduna or Nigeria without anybody recognising he was once a governor. This life is temporary, just like power.
Three of you in the Senate had issues with the governor. One is a PDP member and the other who was in APC has left the party, but you are here seemingly concerned about your ticket for 2019. Is that all the fight is worth? What you need to understand is that, when some people decided to leave APC, they said they were going back home. But for me Comrade Shehu Sani, PDP is not a home. I have never been a PDP member, though the revolt was justified. I was very involved in the revolt against the APC. We needed to do that because of the inherent injustice in the party and the persecution of members. But I stayed back, because there was a new leadership, which has promised to address some of the fundamental problems in the party. And the new leadership is diametrically different from the one before it.
I was actually getting ready to get out of the party. But suddenly, there were interventions by Balarabe Musa, Senator Ahmed Bola Tinubu and most importantly, Oshiomhole, with whom I had a lot of discussions. Other ideological comrades like Femi Falana also discussed at length with me. All those who left the APC were PDP members in the past. I don’t want to leave a familiar terrain for an unfamiliar one.
And if they said they were going home, it means they have their roots in that home, and I may be stranded in the middle of the desert, in the middle of the sea or end up being a stranger in the other party. More so, if I wanted to defect, it would have been to PRP, as that was my home. That was the party my parents belonged. I stayed back in APC because I believe I need to create a differentiating platform between my relationship with Buhari and the problems we had.
One thing I told those that defected was that our enemies should not dictate. I refused to allow my crisis with el Rufai determine, where I go or don’t go. Because it is not just where you are leaving, but where you are going. As far as I am concerned, el Rufai can return to PDP, because he has a home there, just like many of his cabinet members, since they have houses there. But, I don’t have a house there. I am not even a tenant in PDP.
It seems the internal arrangement in your party has been reduced to man-know-man. You were able to have a meeting with Buhari to get a ticket. What of those that are not so privileged?
You will be surprised to know that he was willing to see all those who defected. But many had already made up their mind not to see him or return to APC. So, there is nothing so special about that. I didn’t know Buhari after becoming a Senator. As a Senator representing the part of Kaduna State, where Buhari has lived for over four decades, I believe that I am his Senator. Buhari has two senators— one from Katsina State and the other from Kaduna State, because he spent more of his lifetime in Kaduna than in Katsina.
Would you have left the party, if you were not able to secure your ticket for 2019?
If I had wanted, I could have left the party. But if a party treats you with dignity and recognises your value as a person and keeps its promises, you have to believe in the party. That is what I have done. Securing a ticket was not the reason I decided to stay in APC, because I am already a Senator. And the process that can return me is in my people’s hands. What I said was that we need to have such a process that we will not put us in more trouble.
There were several attempts to undermine the party and made it a dictatorial platform. There was an attempt to extend the tenure of party executives, which Buhari resisted. And now it had worked. The fraudulent congresses organised in most of the states, where names of party executives were written in hotels and given party endorsement. That was another issue.
The communication gap between the party and elected officials, whether Senators, representatives members or others, is also another issue.There was the humiliation of party members in the last three years, which has also contributed a lot to the problem. Can you imagine that APC stakeholders met three times, after we submitted our grievances against the injustices, persecution and violent attacks against our persons? And APC was unable to issue a statement to console us or condemn the terrible acts on us. Those were the issues on ground. As long as APC remains just, credible and transparent, I will continue to be a party member. I’m not saying I will be a member of the party forever, but if it keeps to its promises and principles, I will remain a member.
What if el Rufai is adamant during your party primary?
He has been opposing since 2015. I have heard him saying in many of his fora that he is not in support of me. If he is adamant, well that is his opinion and he is entitled to it. But if he engages in anything that will break the law of the party, undermines the credibility of the process and impose a candidate or manipulates the whole process, then he has gone against the principles and spirit of the party, which is an entirely different scenario.
People like him came out of the PDP to APC, citing injustice, persecution and lack of internal democracy, as their reason. So, if such a person starts doing it here now, and is allowed to do it, it means there is no change from where he is coming from and where he is now. His being opposed to me is a different thing. But, he shouldn’t prevent people from voting for me. I believe many governors are afraid of direct primaries simply because they have lost touch with the people and they don’t have the required number to win elections.
In Kaduna central, I can tell you that I don’t need to campaign for anything, if the process is transparent during the primaries. If there are direct primaries, I am very confident that the result will be positive for me. There are two things. He doesn’t want me and he wants to replace me. But that is his opinion and not that of the people. The question you should ask him is: Should Shehu Sani be his problem, when he has a formidable opposition in the PDP that is united and ready to take power from him? I don’t think he should waste his energy fighting Shehu Sani, while he has serious opposition, poised to take over his office. Kaduna APC is still in crisis.
You can see how our billboards are being damaged and thugs being used against us. You can see the hostility and inhospitable atmosphere created against us. But all that will not push me to take a reactionary path of leaving a progressive line. I believe whatever they are doing is temporary. So, with him or without him, it is God that gives power. But we have a bigger problem than Shehu Sani in Kaduna. He is fighting a war with traditional rulers, he has problems with teachers, workers, women, traders, religious leaders, house owners and those people who were undermined and treated badly.
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President Tinubu in Turkey: Guard of Honor and Strategic Agreements Signal New Era in Bilateral Relations
By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, was accorded a full guard of honor during his official state visit to Turkey, a ceremonial reception reserved for world leaders and a strong signal of the respect Nigeria commands on the global stage.
The ceremony, held at the Turkish Presidential Complex in Ankara, featured military pageantry, national anthems, and formal protocol before high-level bilateral talks commenced.
The Presidency confirmed that President Tinubu briefly stumbled due to a camera cable while proceeding to the presidential lodge but stood up immediately and continued his engagements without interruption, stressing that the incident had no impact on the visit or his health.
More importantly, the visit delivered substantive diplomatic and economic outcomes. During talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on January 27, 2026, Nigeria and Turkey signed nine cooperation agreements and memoranda of understanding, covering military cooperation, higher education, diaspora policy, media and communication, halal accreditation, diplomatic training, and the establishment of a Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO).
At a joint press conference, President Tinubu emphasized the need to deepen cooperation in security, trade, and economic development, while President Erdoğan reaffirmed Turkey’s support for Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and commitment to strengthening strategic ties.
With Turkey’s strengths in defense technology, intelligence, education, and industrial capacity, the agreements open new opportunities for technology transfer, security collaboration, trade expansion, and human capital development.
In essence, the Turkey visit stands as a diplomatic success, defined not by a fleeting moment, but by honor, respect, and concrete agreements that advance Nigeria’s security, economy, and international standing.
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Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti and His Crowned Princes
By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare
Preface: The Necessity of Historical Context
Every generation seeks its heroes. In music, this instinct often manifests through comparison—an exercise that frequently reveals more about contemporary taste than historical contribution. In recent years, public discourse, amplified by social media, has juxtaposed Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with global Afrobeats icons, most notably Wizkid, provoking the recurring question of “greatness” in Nigerian music.
This essay does not diminish the accomplishments of Nigeria’s contemporary stars, whose global visibility is unprecedented. Rather, it offers a scholarly contextualization—one that distinguishes between musical origination and musical succession, and between cultural architecture and commercial dominance—while situating Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti firmly within the category of historical inevitability.
The Problem with Simplistic Comparison
Comparing Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with contemporary Afrobeats performers is, by scholarly standards, inherently flawed.
Fela’s work transcended performance. He engineered an entire musical and ideological system, fused political philosophy with sound, and permanently altered the trajectory of African popular music. His output represents cultural authorship, not entertainment calibrated to market demand. Fela’s music is timeless precisely because it was never designed to be fashionable.
A Yoruba proverb captures this distinction with enduring clarity:
“Ọmọ kì í ní aṣọ púpọ̀ bí àgbà, kó ní akísà bí àgbà.”
A child may own many clothes, but he cannot possess the rags of an elder.
The proverb is not dismissive. It is instructive. It speaks to accumulated depth—experience earned, systems built, and legacies forged through time rather than trend.
Musicians and Artistes: A Necessary Distinction
A rigorous analysis requires conceptual precision. Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti was a musician in the classical and intellectual sense: a composer, arranger, bandleader, employer of musicians, multi-instrumentalist, theorist, and cultural philosopher. His work demanded mastery of form, orchestration, ideology, and discipline.
Fela composed extended works, trained orchestras, performed entirely live, and embedded African political consciousness into rhythm, harmony, and structure.
By contrast, many contemporary stars—though exceptionally gifted and globally successful—operate primarily as artistes: interpreters of sound whose work prioritizes studio production, performance aesthetics, and commercial reach. This is not a hierarchy of worth, but a distinction of function. Fela’s music demanded study and confrontation; contemporary Afrobeats prioritised accessibility, pleasure, and global circulation—often without courting antagonism.
Afrobeat: An Ideological Invention
Afrobeat, as conceived by Fela, was not merely a genre. It was an ideological framework. Jazz, highlife, Yoruba rhythmic systems, call-and-response traditions, and political chant were fused into a resistant, uncompromising form.
Modern Afrobeats—by Wizkid, Burna Boy, and others—are adaptations and descendants, not replicas. They have expanded Africa’s global cultural footprint, but expansion does not erase origination. Fela’s Afrobeat remains the undiluted prototype upon which contemporary success rests.
Enduring Legacy Beyond Mortality
Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti passed in 1997, yet his influence has intensified rather than diminished. His legacy is evidenced by:
– Continuous academic study across global universities.
– International bands, many formed by people not alive at the time of his death, performing his works.
– FELABRATION, now a global annual cultural event.
– Broadway and international stage adaptations inspired by his life and music.
– Lifetime achievement and posthumous recognition by the Grammy Awards.
– Cultural centres, festivals, and scholarly conferences generating lasting intellectual and economic value.
This constitutes cultural permanence, not nostalgia.
Reconsidering Wealth and Sacrifice
Measured monetarily, Fela was not among the wealthiest musicians of his era. His radicalism came at an immense personal cost. He was beaten repeatedly. His mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, was killed. His home was burned. Original artistic archives were destroyed during state-sanctioned violence by unknown soldiers, even though history records who authorised the actions.
Yet Fela gave voice to generations—from Ojuelegba to Mushin, Ajegunle to Jos, Abuja, and even the privileged enclaves of today’s ọmọ baba olówó. He toured globally with an unusually large band long before satellite television or social media could amplify his reach.
Like Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe, Fela’s wealth exists beyond currency. It resides in influence, citation, adaptation, and endurance.
National and Global Recognition
Fela received a state burial in Lagos—an extraordinary acknowledgment from a military government he relentlessly criticised. Nations rarely honour dissenters so formally.
Globally, his stature aligns with figures such as James Brown, Elvis Presley, and the Rolling Stones—artists whose music reshaped identity, politics, and social consciousness.
The Crowned Princes: Wizkid and the Ethics of Reverence
Nigeria’s modern stars—Wizkid, Burna Boy, 2Face Idibia, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Tems, Olamide, among others—have achieved extraordinary global success. They are wealthier, more mobile, and more visible internationally than previous generations, and they deserve their accolades.
Wizkid, in particular, has consistently demonstrated reverence rather than rivalry toward Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti.
Femi Aníkúlápó Kuti has publicly stated:
“Wizkid loves Fela like a father.”
Wizkid has repeatedly supported FELABRATION, never demanding performance fees. The only times he has not appeared were occasions when he was not in the country. He has remixed Fela’s music, bears a Fela tattoo on his arm, and openly acknowledges Fela’s primacy.
A senior associate and long-time friend of Wizkid has affirmed that Wizkid adores Fela, would never equate himself with him—“in this world or the next”—and that recent tensions were reactions to provocation rather than assertions of equivalence.
This distinction matters. Wizkid’s posture is one of inheritance, not competition.
Seun Kuti and the Burden of Legacy
Seun Kuti is a musician of conviction and lineage. Yet relevance is best secured through original contribution rather than reactive comparison. Fela’s legacy does not require defence through controversy; it is already settled by history.
As William Shakespeare observed:
“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars,
But in ourselves, that we are underlings.”
—Julius Caesar
The weight of inheritance can inspire greatness or provoke restlessness. History rewards those who build upon legacy, not those who contest it.
The Songs That Made Fela Legendary
Among the works that cemented Fela’s immortality are:
– Zombie
– Water No Get Enemy
– Sorrow, Tears and Blood
– Coffin for Head of State
– Expensive Shit
– Shakara
– Gentleman
– Teacher Don’t Teach Me Nonsense
– Roforofo Fight
– Beasts of No Nation
These compositions remain sonic textbooks of resistance.
Fela in the Digital Age
Had Fela lived in the era of social media, his voice would have resonated far beyond Africa. His music would have found kinship among global movements confronting inequality, oppression, and social injustice.
“Music is the weapon.”
—Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti
Weapons, unlike trends, endure.
Placing Greatness Correctly
Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti’s greatness does not require comparison. He is the great-grandfather of Afrobeat—the musical and cultural architect who cleared the roads upon which today’s Afrobeat princes now travel.
Honouring contemporary success does not diminish historical achievement. To understand Nigerian music’s global relevance is to understand Fela. History, when read correctly, is both generous and precise.
Prince Adeyemi Shonibare writes on culture, music history, and African creative industries. He is a media and events consultant based in Nigeria.
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Mazangari Decries Prolonged Silence Over Unresolved EFCC Bank Draft Allegations
Years after a petition alleging abuse of office, intimidation and institutional misconduct was submitted against operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Hajia Mazangari has drawn public attention to the matter once again, expressing concern over what she described as prolonged institutional silence and the absence of any known resolution.
The controversy arose from a bank draft transaction involving a sum running into several millions of naira, reportedly issued in the name of “EFCC Clients Account” and handed over to one Habibu Aliyu.
According to the account contained in the petition, Hajia Mazangari was later contacted by her bank and informed that an EFCC operative allegedly approached the bank, requesting that the draft earlier issued by her be cashed into another personal account.
The bank reportedly declined the request, insisting that the draft could only be re-issued in the name of a new beneficiary in compliance with established banking regulations. Attempts by Hajia Mazangari, through her solicitor, to retrieve the original bank draft allegedly resulted in hostility from Habibu Aliyu and Ruqqaya Ibrahim, with the situation escalating into what the petition described as sustained malice, intimidation and humiliation.
“It is as a result of this unending malice, torture and humiliation that we passionately plead to you, sir, to save our client who has been run aground by people with personal vendetta disguising as public officers,” the petition read.
In a further petition dated 14 January 2020 and addressed to the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, through her counsel, Ibrahim Salawu, Esq., Hajia Mazangari alleged that Habibu Aliyu (a former staff of the EFCC), Ruqqaya Ibrahim (a serving EFCC staff), Mohammed Goje (a serving EFCC staff) and one Mustafa Gadanya (a former staff of the EFCC) had, on various occasions, stormed her family residence in Kaduna.
According to the petition, copies of which were obtained by our correspondent in Abuja, the individuals allegedly accused her, her son and his associates of being involved in a pension scam, insisting that they were “neck-deep” in the alleged fraud and would be dealt with and made to face prosecution.
Hajia Mazangari maintained that the accusations were unfounded and that the repeated visits amounted to intimidation and abuse of authority.
In a related development at the time, counsel to Ahmed and Fatima Mazangari, Barrister Ibrahim Salawu, also wrote to the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court seeking the reassignment of their case to another court, following the elevation of the presiding judge to the Court of Appeal and the resultant irregular sittings of the court.
Despite the seriousness of the allegations contained in the petitions, efforts to obtain an official response from the EFCC at the time reportedly proved abortive.
Years later, Hajia Mazangari maintains that the institutional silence that greeted her complaints has persisted. She faulted the former Chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Magu, for allegedly failing to address the concerns raised in the petitions.
She further accused the former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, of failing to intervene or cause a review of the matter despite being formally notified.
According to her, the situation has not changed under the current leadership of the EFCC, which she claims has continued in what she described as the same pattern of silence and inaction, leaving the issues raised unresolved several years after the petitions were submitted.
She also raised concerns over the continued service of an officer identified as Mohammed Goje at the EFCC office in Gombe, noting that other officers of similar standing were reportedly dismissed in the past for corrupt practices. She questioned why no publicly known disciplinary or investigative outcome has emerged from her complaints.
Hajia Mazangari stressed that her decision to speak out again is not based on any fresh incident, but on the need to draw public attention to an unresolved matter which, in her view, underscores broader concerns about institutional accountability. She called on relevant authorities and oversight bodies to revisit the petitions and ensure that the issues raised are conclusively addressed in accordance with the law.
When contacted for comments on the allegations and the renewed public attention surrounding the matter, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had not responded as at the time of filing this report.
However, the Commission is hereby afforded the right of reply and is free to present its position or clarifications on the issues raised.
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