Politics
WHY THE NORTH WILL PREFER PDP TO APC IN THE COMING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
WHY THE NORTH WILL PREFER PDP TO APC IN THE COMING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
By Hammed Abdul-Hakeem
The level of political dynamism across the Northern part of the country as we count down to the February Presidential election is palpably unprecedented. All through the states that are often dubbed the major voting blocs and the other states too, there is a simmering voter revolution gathering steam; majority of citizens of voting age cannot wait to use their PVCs to make a loud statement to the world on the type of fate the ruling party has dealt their lives in the past eight years. As it happened in 2015, there is what is clearly seen by all discerning watchers of Northern politics as a looming rejection of the party in power for a more viable opposition candidate to mount the saddle. The February Presidential election will certainly present the APC scorecard as prepared by the people.
Even the average non-literate Northerner understands that the election will have a great impact on how the North and its peoples will fare in Nigeria, going forward. The power of incumbency is definitely not going to count for anything. Like all Northerners, even the outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari appears to have correctly gauged the pervading feeling and resolution of Northern voters to vote their conscience, come February. That may be why he has joined the popular refrain in the North today where people are being admonished to see the choice of the next president as a moral obligation and a vote of conscience.
The Buhari message of Vote Your Conscience of today is different from his APC, Top to Bottom of 4 years ago. This is because even he knows the truth; the Northern people cannot be cajoled to do otherwise. No doubt, President Buhari has tried to play appeasement politics in the North with the Kano-Maradi Railway project and the Northern Oil Drilling project; all in the bid to soften the ground for his party. However, Northerners know these are all pipeline projects and have no immediate succor or relief for them. The North has been left to bleed too much; it needs immediate reliefs or it has to look elsewhere for hope. In February, all indices on ground point to the only sensible option: APC does not represent the needed hope for realistic change.
The last eight years have brought untold devastation to the North. Boko Haram and banditry have turned the entire area into a land of misery, death and emptiness. Life is harsher than ever. Communities in almost all the Northern states are paying ransom to organised banditry groups regularly to have freedom to life. The entire North West and North East have become IDP enclaves. Farming, the major occupation of citizens, is on hold. Hardly do the people gather again for communal events that define their culture and livelihood. Ullamahs, traditional rulers and district heads are pained but powerless while citizens cry vainly for help. Sadly, in eight years, no help has come from APC. There is no realistic hope that another four years of the party can bring a different lease of life. APC has frittered the people’s trust; not even its current same faith ticket has brought a sizable shift in the people’s thinking. The general belief in the North is that the muslim-muslim ticket is a mere trap by the party to attract Northern votes which its performance in the last eight years does not deserve.
Conversely, the biggest beneficiary is the PDP which has now bounced back to enjoy improved trust and embrace of voters across the key voting blocs. A major reason for this is the recognition of the PDP candidate, Atiku Abubakar, as a grassroots and sincere leader whose entrepreneurial and administrative antecedents can be easily referenced. His business footprints from agriculture, manufacturing, education and other services are all over the North; unlike the APC candidate who is generally seen as having no deep understanding of the environment, the people and their needs beyond what he is often fed by his fawning band of political promoters who, in themselves, are glory seekers who do not care for the conditions of the masses.
From 1999 to 2015, the North recognised two national political parties namely PDP and ANPP. From 2015, it has been PDP and APC. Going into the February election, this political culture is not about to change markedly. APC has failed woefully in the North. The only real option for remedy the people see is the PDP. Right now, the North does not trust the APC because the general thinking is if the Buhari-Osinbajo ticket which was touted as far more credible and APC’S best foot forward could perform as abysmally as it has, the current ticket of APC is much weaker in all respects and could therefore not be trusted not to make things worse. Atiku’s antecedents and pedigree, the people believe, rank him far above what APC has on offer.
To people of Northern Nigeria, the February election is all about assessment and realignment. Over 70% of the Nigerians APC’s government has pushed into poverty are in the North. Over 70% of the out-of-school children the APC government has not been able to help are in the North. Hundreds of Northern children abducted by insurgents and bandits have not returned. Families have been violently destroyed and homes and livelihood upturned. Despite all the noise about ranching and refining the agricultural process and value-chain in the country, nothing has been done in practical terms. Northern youths have been rendered hopeless and pushed into drugs and crime. In the last eight years of APC, the existential fabrics of most Northern communities have been destroyed. The life of the average Northerner is today far worse than it was in 2015.
On the streets of all the Northern states today, it is all about voting your conscience in the February election. There is a clear sign that majority will vote PDP for the presidency. This is based in part on the nostalgic feeling of the relatively more peaceful, progressive and humane life the people enjoyed while PDP was in power at the centre, especially from 1999 to 2012 as compared to the short, nasty and brutish life served them in the last eight years of the APC presidency. It is also based on the cosmopolitan personality as well as the progressive and eminently democratic outlook of the politics of Atiku Abubakar as seen in his pan-Nigeria centred political journey from the early 90s to date which is different from what is jocularly referred to in Northern political circles as the ‘grab, grab, do-or-die, self-centered narcissist politics’ of the APC candidate whose intolerant political style and imperialist hegemony in the South-west of the country do not serve as the type of dish the North wants or needs at this point in time.
*** Abdul-Hakeem, a political analyst, journalist and publisher, writes in from Abuja.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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