society
WHY TINUBU’s GOVERNMENT MUST KICK ARSE NOW_ by: femi afolabi-peters
TAMING THE SECURITY CHALLENGES IN NIGERIA
WHY TINUBU’s GOVERNMENT MUST KICK ARSE NOW_
by:
femi afolabi-peters
*{MSc International Police Science, UK}
{UK international security & intelligence consultant; specialist in clandestine security operations)
News of the recent Bodija , Ibadan mega explosion jolted me to the marrow and the resultant carnage bothered my mind not less. This incident came on the heels of successful kidnapping incidents nationwide quickly followed by more brazen incidents in Ekiti state only just a few days ago.
I still try to comprehend why the successive government input into resources is not justified by tangible results and reductions in the violent criminal wave but here I am with more questions than answers.
At this juncture, am tempted to ask how did we get here and why?
Going back in time, previous governments could have tamed the insecurity monster if only they had sincerity of purpose and the will to go to the root causes and address issues as most professionally and honestly as possible.
Am opinionated about how the present government can mitigate the threats of violent crime to the economy and safety of the people and property and I make no apologies for this. Much as causation has been attributed to poverty, religious and ethnic extremism and what not, i proffer the federal government revisit its security architecture and remodel countermeasure strategies to yield fruitful results. It behoves a good businessman to recoil his strategies if output isn’t justified by investments and this is what the government must do, a kind of serious rethink to stem the incessant increase in this violent crime typology.
Practical and result oriented steps can contrast political considerations and gains but therein lies the solution if only President Tinubu possess the will power to bell the cat for national and collective good.
Previous governments shied away from going the full hog because of ethnic and religious considerations but where are we now?
I suggest the following practical approaches to confront the situation and bring the much needed and long overdue respite to the hapless Nigerians who wake up daily with the apprehension of unmitigated attack by the sons of lucifer merchandisers:
1. JUDICIARY: a special court should be set up to fast track and conclude promptly,cases of apprehended suspects without the customary delay which emboldens other would be kidnappers to engage in the ‘trade’ safe in the knowledge that while their trial is protracted, justice can be unduly influenced by money and other conditions. I clamour this position on the background of the lengthy time it took the Lagos State government to conclude the trial of that notorious kidnapper – Evans. Even at that, i doubt if Evans’ chapter has been fully brought to conclusion as there may be pending appeal to the apex court by his lawyers
2. LEGISLATURE: the National Assembly should as a matter of doctrine of necessity introduce and fast track a bill to create and empower a special court to handle and dispense with kidnapping and banditry trials. Modus operandi of the court including but not limited to financial autonomy, sentencing and other statutory powers should be unambiguously stated in the enacted law
3. EXECUTIVE (A) without a strong and purposeful political will by TINUBU’s government, Nos. 1 and 2 above can only be a pipe dream and for this to manifest, TINUBU must be prepared to “KICK ARSE” for collective good and damn the consequences. He must be sincere in this approach to earn the trust of the populace which already is battered by the effects of the economic downturn on everyday living
4. EXECUTIVE (B) the situation calls for a revisit to the widely clamoured re-organization of the first responder law enforcement agency in the country – the Nigerian Police. I have for a long time subscribed to the notion of dismantling the over centralized police management system in favour of state or regional units. This will encourage improved policing in the community predicated on direct and reliable intelligence gathering to detect and deter crime before commission. Each state /regional government collaboration will fashion a result oriented Standard Operating Procedure, SOP, in line with expectations and decide its security needs and priorities and act accordingly without relying on a over centralized system in Abuja. State security votes from the federal government can be augmented to enhance operational efficiency. Budgetary allocations expenditures can be monitored closely to deter mis placement of priorities and corruption. Standards of employment of recruits and officer cadre will be determined by the state/region and not some counterproductive considerations hiding behind a flawed and obsolete Federal Character Commission. Continuous on the job training will be mandatory to improve performance in line with modern law enforcement agencies’ practices obtainable elsewhere in the world.
Finally, I hope, but with some strong reservations for political expediency , that TINUBU will take the bull by the horn, kick arse and provide a safe and secure Nigerian environment for the citizens to inhabit without fear and trepidation and consequentially encourage Foreign Direct Investment to stimulate the country’s economy which presently is in dire straits!
Decentralizing Policing in Nigeria: The Urgent Case for State-Controlled Law Enforcement
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | For Sahara Weekly NG
For decades, Nigeria has endured the consequences of an overstretched, inefficient and highly politicized central policing system. The result? Catastrophic. Rising insecurity, emboldened terrorists, banditry and unchecked violence have ravaged nearly every corner of the country. From the blood-soaked fields of Zamfara to the kidnapping corridors of the South-East and the cult-infested creeks of the Niger Delta, the evidence is irrefutable: centralized policing has failed Nigerians.
Despite its glaring dysfunction, the idea of devolving police powers to state governments remains one of Nigeria’s most controversial debates. Detractors argue that state police may be abused by governors as political thugs, but that’s a distraction from the real question: Do states in Nigeria currently have the financial and structural capacity to run police forces that are accountable, professional and effective; not as political weapons but as agents of justice and peace?
Central Policing: A Colonial Relic Turned Burden
The Nigeria Police Force (NPF), with about 370,000 officers serving over 220 million people, has one of the worst police-to-citizen ratios in the world. According to United Nations standards, a functional ratio is 1 officer to every 450 citizens. Nigeria languishes at roughly 1:600, and that’s before factoring in the lopsided deployment of personnel.
Shockingly, more than 40% of officers are assigned to VIP protection (guarding politicians, their families and business elites) while ordinary Nigerians are left defenceless against armed robbers, kidnappers and insurgents.
This structure is not accidental; it is a colonial legacy. As Professor Jibrin Ibrahim of the Centre for Democracy and Development aptly puts it:
“The Nigerian police are not trained to serve the people. They are trained to protect the state from the people.”
That mindset still dominates. The NPF remains a blunt, top-down instrument of coercion, not community safety. From the excesses of SARS to police complicity during elections, the central police system has consistently shown that it is out of touch and out of control.
The Case for State Policing: Security Must Be Local
Nigeria is a federation on paper but a unitary dictatorship in practice, especially regarding policing. With over 250 ethnic groups, multiple languages and complex regional dynamics, a one-size-fits-all federal police force cannot address the security needs of all states.
Countries like the United States, India, Canada and Germany, all federal in structure, operate decentralized policing models. In the U.S., over 90% of law enforcement is handled by state, county or municipal agencies and not Washington, D.C.
Nigeria has already seen states respond to security failures by creating regional outfits: Amotekun (South-West), Ebube Agu (South-East), Hisbah (North) and others. These are clear expressions of popular no-confidence votes in the federal police. But these outfits remain legally weak and operationally constrained without constitutional backing.
What Nigeria needs now is not just more vigilante groups but a legal and constitutional framework that allows states to form and manage professional, community-embedded police services.
Can States Afford State Police? The Numbers Don’t Lie
One of the most common arguments against state policing is financial incapacity. This argument is misleading and frankly, LAZY.
According to BudgIT and the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS):
Lagos State generates over ₦400 billion annually in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) which is more than some African countries.
Rivers, Ogun, Delta and Kaduna States each generate over ₦50 billion annually.
25 states generate more than ₦10 billion annually.
So why do we say they “cannot afford” state policing? The issue isn’t capacity, it’s priority and accountability.
If states can build multi-billion-naira airports, mega flyovers and luxurious government houses, surely they can fund training, equipment and welfare for 5,000 to 10,000 well-trained state officers.
In 2024, the federal government allocated over ₦1.3 trillion to police and security services. Yet, most rural communities remain vulnerable. A fraction of that, used efficiently by states, can yield better results. Moreover, states could seek matching grants or partnerships with private and international donors to strengthen their security apparatus.
The Fear of Abuse: A Convenient Excuse
A major objection to state policing is the potential for abuse by state governors. But let’s be clear: the federal police are not immune to abuse. SARS was a federal outfit, yet it became synonymous with torture, extrajudicial killings and robbery.
During the 2023 general elections, federal police were accused of colluding with political parties to suppress opposition and disenfranchise voters. In Lagos, Rivers and Kano, shocking videos of police inaction and collaboration with thugs circulated widely.
The abuse argument is not an argument against decentralization; it is an argument for institutional reform.
A properly crafted State Police Act must include:
Independent oversight commissions
Auditable budgets and public transparency
Cross-border collaboration to prevent jurisdictional loopholes
Community-based recruitment
Strict human rights and use-of-force protocols
National benchmarks for training and ethics
The Federal Government’s role should evolve into providing technical support, forensic labs and inter-state crime coordination not micromanaging state security from Abuja.
Political Bottlenecks: The Elephant in the Room
Why, despite mounting evidence, has Nigeria failed to implement state policing?
Politics.
Centralized policing is a political weapon. Whoever controls the federal police controls elections, opposition suppression and even media narratives. That is why the ruling class is reluctant to devolve power.
In 2021, the National Assembly blocked key constitutional amendments that would have allowed states to establish their own police forces. Why? Because the party in power benefits from centralized force.
As Wole Soyinka warned:
“There’s no way we can continue along this unitarist line. It’s a logical contradiction. You can’t continue with this crude, centralist mindset and expect safety.”
State governors (especially in the South) must form a united front to lobby for this constitutional change. This will require sacrificing political capital, building coalitions across party lines and directly engaging the Nigerian public.
A National Crossroads: Reform or Ruin
Insecurity in Nigeria is no longer an abstract debate, it is an existential crisis. Farmers are abandoning fields. Children cannot go to school. Businesses are closing. Millions live under the daily threat of violence, extortion and death.
We must not allow political cowardice or elite selfishness to deny Nigerians the right to safety.
A decentralized police system is not a luxury; it is a necessity for national survival. Every state should have the constitutional authority, financial framework and legal support to secure its people.
It is time to break free from colonial chains and build a policing system that reflects our federal reality, respects our diversity and protects every Nigerian; rich, middle-class or poor, north, east or south, Muslim, Christian or Pagans.
The time for half-measures has passed.
The time to decentralize is now.
society
Tayo Folorunsho Launches Universal Varsity TV Auditions to Discover Rising Student Stars in Abuja
Tayo Folorunsho Launches Universal Varsity TV Auditions to Discover Rising Student Stars in Abuja
In a bold stride for youth-driven edutainment in Nigeria, media entrepreneur and education advocate Tayo Folorunsho has launched a groundbreaking talent audition at the University of Abuja. This initiative, aimed at discovering aspiring actors and content creators, is part of a larger project—the upcoming Campus Life Series—set to air on his newly licensed channel, Universal Varsity Television (UVT).
With an enthusiastic turnout of talented students, the audition kicked off what promises to be a transformative campus-focused web series. The Campus Life Series will weave together drama, education, and social commentary, offering an authentic portrayal of student experiences across Nigerian universities.
“We’ve seen incredible talent during the auditions,” said Folorunsho, founder and CEO of UVT. “These students will form the core cast of Campus Life Series, which will air on our new station.”
More than just entertainment, the series is designed as a platform to spotlight the real-life challenges, triumphs, and social issues faced by Nigerian students.
“This isn’t just about acting—it’s about impact,” Folorunsho explained. “We’re using storytelling to reflect campus realities, highlight systemic issues, and give young creatives a meaningful platform to express themselves.
Redefining Media and Education in Nigeria
Folorunsho’s vision is being hailed as a visionary fusion of advocacy and entertainment. By merging storytelling with student empowerment, he is cultivating a new wave of creators who are not only telling their stories but shaping national conversations.
The Campus Life Series is set to address pressing issues such as inadequate infrastructure, student welfare, academic pressure, and campus politics. Beyond the screen, the project offers hands-on media production experience, helping students build relevant skills that could propel them into careers in the creative industry.
With Universal Varsity Television, Tayo Folorunsho is not just launching a channel—he is launching a movement. One that champions youth voices, celebrates campus life, and redefines what it means to educate and entertain in Nigeria.
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