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Why We Remain D-Colonised: The British Built Institutions, Nigerians Built Excuses & Blames

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Why We Remain D-Colonised: The British Built Institutions, Nigerians Built Excuses & Blames By George Omagbemi Sylvester

Why We Remain D-Colonised: The British Built Institutions, Nigerians Built Excuses & Blames

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

More than sixty years after taking independence from Britain, Nigeria remains a painful paradox, a nation rich in resources yet poor in discipline, rich in talent yet impoverished by corruption and rich in culture yet diminished by moral decay. The painful irony is that Nigerians were colonised by the British, a people whose commitment to order, public service, patriotism and institutional integrity stands in stark contrast to the prevailing chaos in Nigeria.

It is time we admitted a bitter but necessary truth: the British are very much unlike Nigerians, especially in the spheres that determine national greatness. In public service, in private enterprise, in respect for the rule of law, in the dignity of labour, in financial accountability and in civic responsibility, the British have long upheld values that are either absent or grossly undervalued in Nigerian society.

1. Public Service and Integrity: A Tale of Two Cultures
The British civil service is one of the oldest and most respected bureaucracies in the world. It is built on principles of neutrality, competence and loyalty to the state; not the ruling party. According to the UK Institute for Government (2023), over 98% of British civil servants are appointed through a competitive, merit-based system that upholds the values of integrity, honesty, objectivity and impartiality. Compare this to Nigeria, where nepotism, bribery, tribalism and religious stands often determine appointments.

Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perception Index ranks the UK 20th out of 180 countries, while Nigeria languishes at 145th. In Nigeria, public service is viewed not as a means to serve, but as a platform to loot. The Nigerian politician is not a statesman; he is a state-chopper.

Chinua Achebe famously said, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.”

2. Discipline and Duty to the State
The British are raised with an internalised sense of duty to their country. The Union Jack is not just a flag; it is a sacred symbol of collective sacrifice and national pride. Every schoolchild is taught to honour it. In contrast, Nigerian students do not know their state flags, much less the meaning of their national symbols. Even our National Anthem is recited without heart, often forgotten by those in power.

The British queue with discipline. They drive with patience. They pay taxes with dignity. In Nigeria, the concept of queueing is alien. We jump lines, bribe our way through airports and evade taxes while crying for development. According to the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), only 10 million Nigerians pay taxes out of over 70 million eligible adults. In the UK, over 95% of working adults pay taxes annually.

Patriotism is not singing national songs during football matches. It is protecting public property. It is demanding accountability. It is paying taxes. It is electing leaders not based on tribe, but merit.

3. Financial Accountability and the Public Treasury
The British Parliament has robust mechanisms for scrutinising public expenditure. The UK’s National Audit Office regularly audits ministries and public officers are held accountable. In 2009, British MPs were forced to resign and even prosecuted over minor abuses of parliamentary expenses, some as little as £100.

In Nigeria, we lose billions to untraceable budget padding, fake contracts and ghost workers. According to the Auditor-General of Nigeria’s 2022 report, over ₦105 billion in federal funds were misappropriated or unaccounted for in one year alone. Yet, there are no consequences.

John Locke, a philosopher whose ideas influenced British governance, once said, “Where law ends, tyranny begins.” In Nigeria, law has long ended.

4. Private and Public Morality
The British sense of morality, though not perfect, is guided by centuries of cultural evolution, religious moderation and civic education. There is respect for the law, a love for clean environments and a fierce dedication to honesty in both public and private dealings. In the UK, cheating in an exam can end your academic career; in Nigeria, lecturers collect bribes for grades and universities sell honorary degrees to fraudsters.

In the UK, traffic rules are obeyed even without police presence. In Nigeria, motorists drive on pedestrian sidewalks, while police officers extort citizens in broad daylight. British society frowns at dishonesty; in Nigeria, we baptise fraudsters with nicknames like “fast Guy” and or “yahoo Yahoo”

Professor Wole Soyinka once said, “You cannot build a nation with crooks and you cannot expect honour from those who were not taught honour.”

5. Leadership and Political Discipline
The British political system is one of the most stable democracies in the world. Prime Ministers have resigned over integrity issues that would be considered trivial in Nigeria. David Cameron resigned after losing a referendum. Boris Johnson stepped down amid an internal party revolt. That is what democracy looks like: accountability not impunity.

In Nigeria, a leader can be caught on camera stuffing dollars in his agbada and still become a senator. The political elite are shielded by ethnicity, immunity and a docile populace. Leadership is about sacrifice in the UK; in Nigeria, it’s about plunder.

6. Religious Management and Behaviour
The British people have evolved spiritually. Religion is personal, not political. Churches and mosques do not block roads. Clerics do not endorse politicians for money. Religious leaders do not preach hatred or tribalism. In contrast, Nigerian religious institutions have become extensions of political parties and money-laundering schemes.

We pray more than any other nation on earth, yet our roads are the worst, our hospitals dilapidated and our police the most feared institution after armed robbers. God is not our problem; CHARACTER is.

7. Human and Resource Management
The UK has one of the best systems for managing its citizens. Births are recorded, national identity is compulsory, pensions are paid and the National Health Service (NHS) offers universal healthcare. In Nigeria, millions have no ID. Ghost workers earn salaries. Pensioners die in queues. Doctors flee the country daily. According to the Nigerian Medical Association (2023), over 60% of Nigeria-trained doctors now work abroad, many in the UK and Canada.

A Call to National Rebirth Through Character Transformation
It is not geography or GDP that distinguishes nations, it is the character of the people. Britain colonised over a quarter of the world not just with ships and soldiers, but with an ideology of order, systems and responsibility. Today, Britain remains relevant not because of its natural resources, but because it has mastered human management, institutional governance, and social discipline.

Nigeria must stop blaming colonialism for her current state. The British have long left, but we continue to govern like a colony of impunity. We have replaced oppression with self-destruction and substituted colonial order with indigenous chaos. The tragedy is not that we were colonised; it is that we never outgrew it.

The time has come for Nigerians to look in the mirror and ask: “Are we building a country, or simply existing in one?”

If we must ever rise, then every citizen from the street HAWKER to the SENATOR must undergo a moral re-engineering. Our children must be taught ethics before English and our leaders must be held to the standards of public service, not personal gain.

Nations are not built by miracles, they are built by mindsets and until we begin to think like those who once ruled us not in dominance but in discipline, we will remain a footnote in the history of missed potential.

Let me end with the words of Mahatma Gandhi:
“A nation’s greatness is measured by how it treats its weakest members.”

And to paraphrase former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill:
“To each, there comes a moment when he is figuratively tapped on the shoulder and asked to do a great thing. Let Nigeria not sleep through that moment.”

Nigeria, arise; not in noise, but in discipline and let the transformation begin, not in Abuja, but in the Nigerian soul.

Why We Remain D-Colonised: The British Built Institutions, Nigerians Built Excuses & Blames
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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