society
Odi: Anatomy of a Massacre.
Odi: Anatomy of a Massacre.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
How a Town Was Razed, Lives Erased and Justice Delayed.
On 20 November 1999 the Nigerian state executed a punishment that resembled collective vengeance more than lawful policing. The small Ijaw town of Odi, in Kolokuma/Opokuma Local Government Area of Bayelsa State, was invaded by elements of the Nigerian Armed Forces after the killing of policemen in the area. In a matter of hours soldiers razed whole neighbourhoods, drove survivors from homes and (WITNESSES, HUMAN-RIGHTS INVESTIGATORS and CIVIL SOCIETY WOULD LATER CONCLUDE) killed scores, perhaps hundreds, of unarmed civilians. What happened in Odi was not the chaotic excess of a firefight but a punitive operation with consequences that still HEMORRHAGE through the Niger Delta’s memory and politics.
The immediate provocation was gruesome: in early November 1999 an armed group killed a number of policemen (INITIAL ACCOUNTS MOST COMMONLY RECORD 12). The federal government, under President Olusegun Obasanjo, demanded swift action and publicly warned state authorities to apprehend the perpetrators. Within weeks, soldiers were deployed to Odi. According to a meticulous Human Rights Watch investigation, troops engaged in a brief exchange of fire with young men alleged to have killed police officers and then proceeded to raze the town—burning houses and markets, destroying property and, according to multiple eyewitness accounts, shooting civilians.
Human-rights organisations that visited Odi in the weeks that followed produced chilling findings. Human Rights Watch concluded that “the soldiers must certainly have killed tens of unarmed civilians and that figures of several hundred dead are entirely possible.” Amnesty International described large-scale killings in Odi as part of a pattern of reprisal operations by security forces across the Niger Delta and warned that such actions “CAN ONLY BE DESCRIBED AS A KILLING SPREE.” Those words matter: they move the event from a contested battlefield incident into the territory of extrajudicial atrocity.
Estimates of the death toll remain contested and politically charged. Official figures released in the aftermath were tiny (reportedly in the dozens) while local leaders, activists and some environmental and human-rights campaigners have given far higher numbers. Veteran environmental activist Nnimmo Bassey has claimed that nearly 2,500 civilians died; Human Rights Watch considered “SEVERAL HUNDRED” a plausible range based on interviews and ON-THE-GROUND OBSERVATION. The divergence of these figures is not a trivial statistical quarrel: it is a symptom of the opacity that cloaked state action, the absence of credible independent inquiry at the time and the subsequent failure to account publicly for the scale of violence inflicted on a civilian population.
Beyond deaths, the qualitative testimony from survivors is devastating and consistent: entire compounds were set ablaze, shops and boats destroyed and families plunged into sudden, permanent displacement. The Human Rights Watch report also documented allegations of sexual violence in nearby locations and recounted how access for journalists and human-rights observers was restricted; an obstruction that compounded the difficulty of independent verification and allowed impunity to calcify. The imagery of Odi (smouldering roofs, gutted houses, children made homeless) became for many a symbol of the Nigerian state’s willingness to use overwhelming force against its own citizens rather than pursue accountable law enforcement.
Years later the Nigerian courts provided a measure of juridical recognition of the harm done. In February 2013 a Federal High Court in Port Harcourt ordered the Federal Government to pay N37.6 billion in compensation to the people of Odi for the destruction of lives and property during the 1999 invasion. The judgment condemned the government for brazen violations of the victims rights to life, movement and property. That ruling was a formal acknowledgement that something grievously wrong had occurred and that the state bore responsibility. Yet even that legal breakthrough was followed by delay, partial payment and controversy: the government later negotiated an OUT-OF-COURT SETTLEMENT and paid N15 billion, a figure the community and observers regarded as inadequate relative to the court award and to the scale of loss.
Why Odi matters today is not only a matter of historical memory. The massacre sits at the intersection of three abiding pathologies in the Niger Delta and in Nigerian governance: RESOURCE PREDATION, MILITARIZED responses to social unrest, and the ritual of impunity. The Delta’s oil wealth has created both ENORMOUS NATIONAL REVENUE and LOCAL EXCLUSION; when communities demand accountability or protest environmental ruin, the response too often has been securitisation rather than DIALOGUE. Where policing fails or is seen to fail, the military’s intervention (ostensibly to restore order) has been used in ways that punish whole communities for the crimes of a few. Odi is an emblem of that pattern.
Scholars and activists have framed Odi not as an aberration but as a flashpoint in a broader crisis. Human-rights groups warned at the time that unchecked military reprisals would deepen grievances, spur cycles of revenge and radicalise parts of a region already suffering environmental collapse and economic marginalisation. That prediction proved accurate: the years after Odi saw the escalation of militant, criminal and protest activity in the Delta, including attacks on pipelines, kidnapping for ransom and the rise of organised militant groups; responses that have cost lives, damaged Nigeria’s oil economy and made a stable political settlement more remote.
What, then, is justice in the Odi story? A court order and a monetary settlement address part of the harm, but they do not RESTORE LOST LIVES, return the DEAD or compensate the LONG TAIL of social and psychological damage. Justice would also require transparent criminal investigations and prosecutions of those who gave and carried out unlawful orders, full reparations that are community-led and accountable, memorialisation that affirms the victims dignity, and institutional reforms to prevent recurrence. Human-rights organisations in 1999 urged such reforms; fourteen years later the court’s verdict validated the claim that the state had violated rights and owed redress. Yet the state’s partial payment and the absence of robust accountability for perpetrators have left a scar that official rhetoric cannot heal.
Odi’s lesson is blunt and uncomfortable: a democratic government that tolerates or obscures large-scale abuses by its security forces weakens the moral and legal foundations of democracy itself. If citizens (especially the poorest and most marginalised) are treated as dispensable, the social contract frays. The Niger Delta’s continued restiveness is a reminder that neither oil nor court rulings alone will buy peace; political inclusion, genuine development and institutions that answer to law are indispensable. As Human Rights Watch warned at the turn of the century: unchecked reprisals encourage further abuses and radical responses.
The memory of Odi persists in SONG, POETRY and TESTIMONY; it is invoked by activists demanding accountability and by families who still live with the aftermath. True closure requires more than commemoration: it requires a commitment from the Nigerian state to truth, accountability and systemic reform. The court’s 2013 judgment was a step—but steps without direction are merely gestures. The people of Odi deserve the full measure of justice: reckoning with what happened, prosecutions where warranted, truthful public record and reparations that rebuild the physical and moral fabric of the community. Anything less would be a betrayal of democracy and a testament to a brutality we pretended to have outgrown.
As we remember Odi, we must demand that the state confront its past. It is not enough to pay a portion of a judgment or to tuck atrocity into legalese and move on. If Nigeria is to be a nation that protects its citizens, it must be willing to investigate the crimes committed in its name—and punish them without favour. Only then will Odi’s burned houses and silenced families be honoured by more than memory: they will be honoured by the knowledge that the state learned, changed and guarded the sanctity of every civilian life.
society
How Adaobi Alagwu and her Mother Turned Tunde Ayeni Into a Meal Ticket
*How Adaobi Alagwu and her Mother Turned Tunde Ayeni Into a Meal Ticket*
A fierce undertow runs beneath the sensational rumours of Adaobi Alagwu’s reconciliation with her estranged lover, Tunde Ayeni: it is that Ms. Alagwu and her mother, Adaora Amam, are shameless gold diggers who have turned Ayeni into their meal ticket. While Ayeni is far from blameless, the picture painted by close observers shows a calculated, deeply dependent relationship extended over years, not out of love, but out of financial survival and strategic leverage.
Sources close to the matter claim that Adaobi receives a monthly allowance from Ayeni ranging between N500,000 and N1 million, enough to underwrite much of her and her mother’s lifestyle. Even amid estrangement, she and her mother reportedly continue to occupy Ayeni’s properties: houses in Abuja, residences near his business facilities, and other assets he makes available for their use. Ayeni has become the anchor for a parasitic ecosystem, one that gladly tolerates public humiliation, controversy, even court battles, as long as the cash keeps flowing.
That ecosystem thrives on dependency. While Ayeni has publicly tried to reject or disown Adaobi even signing legal affidavits; she refuses to let go. She clings, because Ayeni remains her primary source of wealth and access, and because, despite multiple ruptures, he continues to fund her lifestyle. Her persistence goes beyond love or delusion: it looks like calculated survival.
Worse still, Adaobi has not confined her emotional life to Ayeni alone. Reports suggest that she has entertained multiple relationships with other men while still leveraging her connection to him. Such rumors, whether fully verified or not, point to a disconcerting reality: she may well treat Ayeni as the central pillar upon which she stages her social and material existence.
Her mother, according to several accounts, has played an even more troubling role: not as a protective parent, but as a strategist who both encourages and benefits from her daughter’s closeness to Ayeni. Insiders describe her as a woman who uprooted her life, abandoned her marital home, and relocated specifically to one of Ayeni’s houses at Plot 48, Mike Akhigbe Way, in Jabi, Abuja, while her daughter, Adaobi occupies Ayeni’s DD38, Lakeview Estates, off Alex Ekwueme Way, also in Abuja. For instance, Madam Adaora reportedly urged Adaobi to conceal vital truths at the beginning of her ill-fated romance with Ayeni, like her pregnancy, in a desperate bid to stretch the relationship’s limits until they could extract maximum advantage.
These findings are sharpened by commentary on a wider generational shift: wealthy older men who once wielded control in quiet, private ways now find themselves entangled with younger, digitally empowered women who understand emotional leverage, financial access, and social capital in ways their predecessors did not. The story of Ayeni, Adaobi, and her mother is not simply a private scandal. It is a dramatic confirmation of how power, money, and dependency have reconfigured contemporary relationships.
From those who know the players, Adaobi Alagwu was never cast in the role of a rescued young lover. Rather, she is portrayed as someone who recognized early that proximity to Ayeni could carry long-term benefit, and then positioned herself accordingly. Observers close to their circle say she never saw him merely as a romantic interest, but as an opportunity.
Evidence supporting this theory is public enough. Ayeni has reportedly provided her with a steady monthly stipend, and insiders claim she was still receiving those transfers even during times of public scandal. In some of his more revealing interviews, he has admitted regret, speaking of manipulation, entitlement, and emotional blackmail from Adaobi and her family.
According to those familiar with the situation, Adaobi never hesitated to dress elegantly and visit Ayeni’s office repeatedly, smiling through the awkwardness of knowing his wife was equally in Lagos. For years, whispers circulated about multiple men linked to Adaobi within their social circles, yet her mother continued to champion Ayeni as the ultimate catch. She even advised her daughter not to call him on weekends because “he would be with his wife in Lagos.”
When the secret “engagement” took place, an event without photographs at Ayeni’s insistence, the mother readily played along. Even after Ayeni questioned the child’s paternity, she would regularly show up at his office to beg. Ayeni would later remark that her requests had become routine, including asking for “One Million Naira for prayers.” And when he demanded the return of the bride price, she casually asked if it should be done formally or simply “arranged.”
Despite scolding from her husband’s kinsmen, she persisted, reportedly touring Abuja and introducing her daughter as “Mrs. Ayeni,” while simultaneously benefiting from his resources: a UK scholarship for her second daughter, and a lucrative job at NDHPC for her son. It became an ecosystem of dependence disguised as aspiration.
But money alone does not capture the full picture. According to Adaobi’s friends, her entanglement with Ayeni was never limited to transactional affection. They say she saw him as a source of security — not only financial, but social. The house she occupies, the staff who serve her, the status she carries in Abuja’s elite circles, all are attributed to her tie to him. Even when denied formal recognition, she continued to leverage that connection, refusing to relinquish it in word or deed.
At the height of their conflict, Adaobi’s mother allegedly pleaded with Ayeni to replace phones he had smashed, begged him for forgiveness when tensions threatened to boil over, and attended his office dressed elegantly to maintain visibility. One insider described the mother as “elaborately fearless,” someone who seemed unbothered by moral judgment and more focused on results.
To many of her critics, Adaobi does not simply want the luxury; she wants permanence without commitment. She appears to wield her dependence like a tool, playing on Ayeni’s guilt, his resources, and his public image, insisting on her place even as he insists on distancing himself. Her ability to remain physically present — living in his properties, frequently visiting his homes even after public fallout — distinguishes her from someone fighting for recognition, and aligns her with someone determined to preserve her access at all costs.
This orchestrated dependency, according to critics, reveals a moral erosion: not simply an opportunistic family, but one that has conflated ambition and entitlement, love and leverage, access and principle. The mother’s involvement complicates any argument that this is a romance gone wrong: it suggests a deeply embedded system of exploitation.
For Ayeni, the consequences have been serious and sustained. He once called this entanglement “one of the darkest moments” of his life, describing the family as his “greatest regret” in a televised interview. He accused both Adaobi and her mother of manipulation, emotional blackmail, and an unending sense of entitlement.
There have also been legal and reputational battles. Adaobi reportedly filed statements with the police, claiming harassment and intimidation. Ayeni’s camp, for its part, has denied several of her claims, painting a picture of a relationship replete with contradictions: on one hand, deep emotional entanglement; on the other, relentless exploitation.
Her friends say she blocks well-intended advice. Several have reportedly urged her to break free, reclaim her dignity, and build something independent of Ayeni. According to those close to her, she has gradually shut out those voices, preferring the access she still enjoys to the uncertainty that comes with cutting ties.
The question every critical observer is asking is simple: What is Adaobi really getting from keeping this connection alive? It is not only about the monthly stipend, though that is substantial. Beyond the cash, she benefits from physical spaces; houses, staff, and other material resources; that have enabled her to maintain a high-profile lifestyle without fully exposing vulnerability.
But the most baffling, most bewildering character in this entire sordid saga is Adaobi’s mother, the woman who flamboyantly calls herself Mrs. Princess Adaora Amam. She does not merely enable her daughter’s disasters; she escorts her into them with the confidence of someone utterly divorced from reality.
How does a woman who left her first marriage under scandal, and is knee-deep in crises with her second husband in Lagos, abandon her matrimonial home, her last claim to dignity, to go nest in her daughter’s lover’s house? And not just any lover: a fully married man, decades older, who has publicly humiliated them both, questioned the paternity of her granddaughter, and repeatedly denied them.
Yet instead of directing their rage at the person dragging them through the mud, Adaobi and her mother face the wrong direction entirely, charging at Ayeni’s wife, his girlfriend, and his associates with the fury of people determined to fight everyone except the man actually insulting them.
And floating above all this chaos is Madam Adaora’s grand delusion: the laughable insistence on calling herself Princess. A princess of where, exactly? Which kingdom? Which throne? Which lineage? Her behaviour alone betrays the truth. No woman born of pedigree behaves like this.
Her refusal to leave, even as her relationship with Ayeni deteriorates, signals a deeper truth. According to insiders, she has made a choice: humiliation is acceptable so long as stability remains. Rather than sever the bond, she persists. Rather than walk away, she tightens her grip.
The comparison to Regina Daniels’ widely publicized separation from Senator Ned Nwoko, by high society pundits, is particularly instructive. Unlike Adaobi, Regina walked away. Despite being younger and under intense scrutiny, she publicly asserted her worth, insisted on respect, and, when lines were crossed, removed herself from an untenable relationship.
Adaobi’s trajectory, by contrast, appears less about self-worth and more about dependency. While Regina seized agency, according to critics, Adaobi opted for survival, or at least the semblance of it. Where Regina’s exit was viewed by many as an act of self-respect, Adaobi’s tenacity has drawn condemnation as greed dressed in resilience.
Some commentators argue that Adaobi sees the relationship as a business, not a partnership. They suggest she took the same calculation approach that many ambitious people adopt in their careers: find a powerful benefactor, extract value, and secure long-term access.
What underlies this drama is a broader generational shift in how relationships are negotiated. Wealthy older men like Ayeni are no longer simply partners or benefactors; they are nodes in networks of social capital, power, and financial leverage. Younger women who grew up in a digital age, surrounded by public platforms and audience economies, understand this dynamic intuitively. They navigate relationships not only with hearts, but with spreadsheets: what I give, what I get, when I leave, whether I stay.
Adaobi and her mother, by many accounts, represent a sophisticated expression of that shift. They do not simply want to be loved; they want to be sustained. The stakes are both emotional and materially existential. They see Ayeni not just as a lover, but as an investment, a resource and the base of a lifestyle that may not be replicable elsewhere.
Their critics argue that the emotional intimacy has become secondary. What remains primary is the access: to money, property, and influence. They suggest that Adaobi’s repeated attempts to hold on, despite deep fractures, betray a transactional logic more than a romantic one.
Ayeni, on his part, is hardly a victim without agency. Even after describing his regret publicly, acknowledging both his culpability and the cost of their relationship, he is desperately seeking to reconcile with Adaobi. His critics, though, claim he misreckoned the depth of the desperation and ambition of both Adaobi and her mother.
Ayeni and Adaobi’s back and forth with each other certainly fits into a recurring pattern: powerful men drawn into emotionally volatile situations with younger women, only to be drawn back again. He appears to warn people publicly, justify himself in interviews, and attempt legal recourse, but those close to Adaobi say he has never severed the financial flow entirely.
This repeated dynamic raises deep questions about power: who has it, who uses it, and who sustains it. Ayeni wields resources; she wields proximity. He controls access; she exploits dependence. Their relationship becomes a site of perpetual negotiation, not of love, but of leverage.
And the moral cost is heavy. Whether one condemns her for her persistence or pities her for her dependence, the truth remains that their arrangement reflects a broader decay in relational trust. It suggests that love and money no longer occupy separate domains, but bleed into each other until the boundaries blur.
Adaobi Alagwu and her mother may be perceived by many as shameless gold diggers, but their strategy has been frighteningly effective. Through repeated demands, strategic positioning, and a refusal to relinquish access, they have turned Tunde Ayeni into a financial anchor for their ambitions.
When compared to the likes of Regina Daniels, who walked away from a high-profile political marriage with her dignity intact, Adaobi’s path reads less like a tale of emancipation than a study of calculated dependence. The contrast underscores a generational shift: whereas older norms emphasized discretion and commitment, newer norms exploit visibility and leverage. Adaobi and her mother appear to have mastered this new terrain, surviving scandal, humiliation and rejection because they view Ayeni not simply as a partner but as their lifeline.
If anything, their story demands that Nigerians examine more than their moral outrage. It calls for reflection on the power dynamics that govern modern relationships, especially when wealth, gender and ambition converge. It demands accountability for those who exploit, yes, but also for those who enable. Because the cost of this kind of symbiosis is not just personal, but societal: a corruption of affection, a redefinition of loyalty, and an erosion of trust in an age where money and love are dangerously intertwined.
society
_A Legacy of Unstoppable Hope: Bishop (Col) Paul N. Vincent Celebrates Birthday & 3 Years of PWTN & Magazine Expanding Faith & Influence
_A Legacy of Unstoppable Hope: Bishop (Col) Paul N. Vincent Celebrates Birthday & 3 Years of PWTN & Magazine Expanding Faith & Influence”_
Today, we joyfully commemorate the birthday of a visionary leader, Texas US based Bishop (Col) Paul N. Vincent, the President and CEO of Persistent Work TV Network (PWTN), & Publisher, Persistence Works Magazine. A Minister of the Gospel, Preacher, Broadcaster, Publisher & Prolific Author of 20 Books. He also serves as Military Chaplain in the US. Army Reserve.
As a life long learner, he’s earned 4 Master’s degrees: M.A. (Leadership) & Master of Divinity (M.Div.) both from Liberty University, Lynchburg VA; M.A. Professional Communication, from University of San Francisco, CA; & Executive Master’s in Public Administration from Golden Gate University, San Francisco, CA & soon completing his Ph.D in Communication.
This birthday is a moment to reflect on his extraordinary life, remarkable leadership, and the profound impact he’s had on countless lives.
Bishop (Col) Paul N. Vincent is more than a title holder; he’s a beacon of hope, a symbol of acceleration, and a champion of excellence. His dedication to serving humanity, without bounds or bias, has earned him widespread respect and admiration. With a career marked by remarkable achievements and a heart full of compassion, he has touched the lives of many, empowering them to reach their full potential.
Persistence Work TV Network recently celebrated 3 years of wide TV Network coverage streaming on 20 different platforms.
Bishop (Col) Paul N. Vincent is also the host of “Global Politics” under Persistence Work TV Network, focusing on various nations and states, offering solutions from the Christian view.
As he celebrates another milestone of 54 Years, we celebrate not just a leader, but a mentor, a guide, and a friend to many. His legacy continues to inspire, uplift many. He is a beacon of acceleration, excellence, and hope_ touching lives globally.
We pray that the Almighty remains his strength, guiding him with wisdom and empowering him to achieve greater heights. Married to his lovely wife, Rev. Edith, and a daughter, Sharon Chidera Paul.
May this year bring you boundless joy, continued faithfulness, and the fulfillment of every noble desire. Here’s to many more years of leading with grace, impacting lives, and shining brightly.
society
We Know Them and We Call Them”, Why Bayo Onanuga’s Admission on Terrorists Should Shake Nigeria to Its Core
“We Know Them and We Call Them”, Why Bayo Onanuga’s Admission on Terrorists Should Shake Nigeria to Its Core
By Dr. Ope Banwo, Mayor Of Fadeyi, and Founder Naija Lives Matter
A few days ago, like many Nigerians, I sat in disbelief watching Presidential spokesman Bayo Onanuga on national television.
In trying to defend the Federal Government’s handling of terrorism and banditry, he casually dropped a set of statements that, if taken at face value, amount to a public confession of close rapport between our government and the terrorists bleeding this country.
For years, Nigerians have suspected that people in power know far more about these killers than they are willing to admit. But suspicion is one thing. Hearing it confirmed from the mouth of the President’s chief media aide is another matter entirely.
I want us to calmly walk through what Mr. Onanuga has told us – and then discuss what we must do with this explosive information.
When Your “House Manager” Admits He Knows the Robbers
Let me put it in simple, everyday terms. It is one thing to suspect that your store manager and gate men know the identity and location of the burglars who keep robbing you at night. It is a different thing entirely to hear your house manager say publicly: “Yes, I know who they are. I have their phone numbers. I know where they live. In fact, I just called them yesterday and told them to return some of the goods they stole – and they obeyed me.”
That is what Onanuga effectively did on national television He spoke not as a random commentator, but as the official spokesperson of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. We are therefore entitled – in fact, obligated – to treat his words as an insider admission, not mere gossip.
Four Disturbing Facts We Now Know About Our Govt And Terrorists
From his own account, we can now say four things have been confirmed beyond speculation:
1. The President and the DSS know the bandits by name.
Onanuga said clearly that they were called directly. You do not call “unknown gunmen.” You call people whose identities you know.
2. Our President and the security agencies have the direct phone numbers of these bandit leaders.
Not just vague intelligence. Direct lines. This means these killers are reachable at will by the highest office in the land.
3. The bandits take instructions from the President and the DSS.
Onanuga boasted that all the President had to do was order them to release all 38 kidnapped children and they complied – unconditionally, without even asking for recharge-card money. That means these are not just faceless terrorists; they are people who, according to the spokesman, can be commanded by our government.
4. Government knows where they live and where they hold their victims.
Onanuga explained that the reason these terrorists have not been taken out is to avoid “collateral damage.” You cannot be weighing collateral damage if you do not know their exact location – and the location of the hostages.
These are not my allegations. These are Onanuga’s admissions, broadcast to the world.
So the real issue is no longer, “Does our government know who is killing us?” The real issue is: Now that the government’s own spokesman has confirmed this level of familiarity with the terrorists, what are we, as citizens, going to do?
Welcome to Muguland – Unless We Refuse That Identity
In my books and shows, I jokingly created a fictional country called Muguland – a place where citizens are routinely played for fools.
After Mr. Onanuga’s confession, I am forced to ask: Is Muguland still fiction, or is this now our official reality?
If our highest officials know:
• who the terrorists are,
• how to call them,
• where they live,
• and can even give them instructions…
…then continue to preside over endless massacres, mass abductions and village burnings, what does that make the rest of us who keep quiet?
As a self-confessed “Mugu” myself – I even play Judge Mugu in my courtroom show – let me propose four urgent responses we must demand as a nation.
Four Things Nigerians Must Demand Now
1. Place Bayo Onanuga Under Oath as a Key Witness
The first thing any serious country would do is to treat Onanuga as a material witness in the ongoing ruination of our country.
By his own account, he knows the four essential elements investigators need to crack any case:
1. Who the perpetrators are;
2. How to contact them;
3. Where to find them;
4. The fact that they act on instructions from the very government that claims to be hunting them.
He must be invited – under oath – before an appropriate judicial or legislative body to explain, in precise detail, the nature of this relationship and how it has been used (or not used) to end terrorism.
We did not manufacture his statement. He said it. History – and the blood of innocent Nigerians – will not accept silence.
2. A Full-Scale Senate Investigation Into Government–Terrorist Links
The National Assembly, and especially the Senate under Godswill Akpabio, can no longer pretend ignorance. There must be an immediate, bipartisan investigation into:
• the nature of contacts between government officials and terrorist leaders;
• the history of negotiations, phone calls and back-channel deals;
• the reasons these relationships have not translated into the dismantling of these networks.
If we can set up committees over fuel queues and social media posts, surely we can set up one over open admissions of government rapport with murderers.
3. Public Hearings With Onanuga and the Security Chiefs
The Senate should also convene public hearings with:
• Bayo Onanuga,
• the National Security Adviser,
• the heads of DSS, Police and the Armed Forces.
Under oath, Nigerians deserve to hear:
• Why the terrorist leaders they know and can call remain at large;
• Why mass kidnappings keep occurring despite this supposed access;
• Why rescue operations and prosecutions remain half-hearted or opaque.
If you know the killers, speak to the killers, and know where the killers sleep, yet you cannot protect your citizens, something fundamental is broken.
4. Put the Presidency on Notice – Do the Job or Face the “I-Word”
Finally, the Senate must quietly but firmly put the Executive on notice.
If the President and his security chiefs now acknowledge – through their spokesman – that they possess all the information any serious leader needs to crush this menace, yet fail to act, then the Constitution offers only two honest options:
• Do your job, or
• Be prepared to face the “I-word” – impeachment – in line with the law.
Nobody is above accountability. Not even a man as politically formidable as Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The lives of Nigerians are not campaign souvenirs.
Why We Must Still Speak, Even If Nothing Changes
Some will say, “Ope, nothing will happen. Why stress yourself?” They may be right, in the short term. Terrorism in Nigeria did not start with this administration, and it may not end with it. But leadership is always current, not historical. The man who holds the office today bears the responsibility today.
If, as is widely whispered, the President is afraid of the so-called “military cabal” or other entrenched interests, then he should say so openly. Let the nation rally behind him to confront them. Until then, we must insist that he man up and do the job he swore to do.
I am under no illusion that one article or one broadcast will magically change our security architecture. But we must leave a record.
• Prof. Awojobi’s one-man protests did not topple military regimes, but history remembers that he stood.
• Chief Gani Fawehinmi did not eradicate injustice, but history remembers that he fought.
• Fela did not end corruption, but history remembers that he refused to be silent.
The real question is: What will history record about you and me? That we kept quiet… or that we at least tried?
Every Voice Counts – Including Yours
This is not just my fight. I am calling on those with even bigger platforms than mine – pastors, imams, influencers, columnists, retired generals, traditional rulers – to speak clearly about this dangerous normalisation of fraternising with terrorists.
Maybe it changes nothing. Maybe, as has happened in other nations, a chorus of courageous voices eventually shifts the tide. We will never know if we stay silent.
One of our literary icons once warned that “the man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny.” We cannot allow the man – or woman – inside us to die because we are afraid of losing access, contracts or appointments.
You do not have to own a TV show to speak up:
• Post your thoughts on your Facebook or X page.
• Tell your small Instagram audience that you are not okay with this.
• Ask your representatives hard questions.
• Write your own short note and send it to your church, mosque or community WhatsApp group.
Little drops of truth can still become an ocean of pressure. The Clock Has Started
As for me, my name is Ope Banwo. Some call me The Rottweiler, and against all good advice from those who love me, I cannot and will not let this matter go.
From the moment Bayo Onanuga opened his mouth and gifted us this confession, the clock officially started against this government.
It is one thing for Nigerians to rely on rumours, fake news and conspiracy theories about “unknown sponsors” of terror. It is another thing entirely when a senior official of the government tells us on live television that:
• they know the people killing us,
• they speak to them,
• they can command them,
• and yet, somehow, the killing continues.
We made this mistake before. President Goodluck Jonathan once admitted publicly that those sponsoring terrorism were in his own government. We did not demand names, we did not insist on resignations or prosecutions. Instead, we went out to protest fuel subsidy removal while the terror web thickened.
Now history is repeating itself.
A high official has again told us, in plain language, that government knows and engages the terrorists. The question is no longer whether he spoke.
The question is: “What will we, as citizens, do with this confession?:’
Will we pretend we did not hear it, while we start fighting over who will win the 2027 elections? Or will we, at the very least, refuse to be silent Mugus in a country that keeps treating our lives as expendable? For my part, I have chosen. I will keep speaking, writing, and demanding answers – not because I am certain it will work, but because I refuse to be counted among those who kept quiet.
The clock is ticking.
Dr Ope Banwo
Mayor Of Fadeyi
Chairman, Naija Lives Matter
-
Politics5 months agoNigeria Is Not His Estate: Wike’s 2,000‑Hectare Scandal Must Shake Us Awake
-
society7 months agoOGUN INVESTS OVER ₦2.25 BILLION TO BOOST AQUACULTURE
-
celebrity radar - gossips6 months agoFrom ₦200 to ₦2 Million: Davido’s Barber Reveals Jaw-Dropping Haircut Fee
-
society5 months agoJUSTICE DENIED: HOW JESAM MICHAEL’S KINDNESS WAS TURNED AGAINST HIM






