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Delta 2023: If not Gbagi, who else does the cap fit?

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Delta 2023: If not Gbagi, who else does the cap fit?
Delta 2023: If not Gbagi, who else does the cap fit? As the battle to settle for the successor of Senator (Dr.) Ifeanyi Okowa rages on, there is a burning desire amongst Deltans to opt for a trustworthy and reliable politician with the resume to match the performance of Chief James Ibori and Felix Ibru who were past Governors of Delta State.
Delta 2023: If not Gbagi, who else does the cap fit?
Against this backdrop, the rumbling clamor as to which Senatorial District would produce the next Governor in 2023 was nipped in the bud when the Delta State Chapter of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) zoned the same to Delta Central Senatorial District.
The decision was in keeping with the zoning formula hitherto adopted during the Ibori-led administration which saw the rotation of power between the three Senatorial Districts in the State.
Delta 2023: If not Gbagi, who else does the cap fit?
The agreement in view of the PDP’s recent consensus remains unbroken and nipped mounting pressures of requests for zoning on the basis of ethnicity, one which otherwise would have been counterproductive and damaging for the party.
Those who met to agree on the zoning of the Governorship to Delta Central reached the agreement after resolving to reject the imposition of a candidate on the party by major power brokers within the State.
It was gathered that doing so would encourage persons with the requisite credentials to be projected on the basis of merit and past achievements, and nothing short of same, so as to sustain the tempo of development already stirred by previous administrations.
So far, out of those who have indicated interest to contest the Governorship election in 2023, only one stands out in view of his visible track records which sets him aside from his contemporaries.
It is however embarrassing that some whose foot prints are yet to be seen in their constituencies, and do not have the requisite competence or what takes to win such elections are warming up to indicate interest to contest.
What is even more disturbing is the fact that these persons are present appointees of the state government without the required financial wherewithal to slug it out with the opposition party, All Progressives Congress (APC), to ensure a win at the polls.
Other considerations which they do not meet are those anchored on their contributions to the development of their immediate communities and how much they’ve done to improve the lives of citizens in the state.
No doubt, some of them will be put to shame at the poll, particularly those planted to disempower opponents whose status or position stands a threat to their devious schemings.
Unfortunately, some very desperate ones have resorted to using blackmail in order to stop competent candidates from contesting the governorship election in 2023.
It will be crude, barbaric and oppressive if at this time, some politicians still believe that imposition and Godfatherism is a better source of winning election. This method does not show one’s popularity, capability and competency in governance.
A typical example was in the 2015 governorship election when David Edevbie was openly supported by the incumbent governor and the majority of his ethnic group, but was defeated at the primaries.
He lost woefully to the present Governor, Ifeanyi Okowa because he (Okowa) is more popular and resourceful. This is also not to leave out the support Okowa enjoyed from people like Kenneth Gbagi, a serial industrialist and one-time Minister for Education.
It is also disturbing that some people who may not have known much, have started dancing around these characters who lack effective leadership qualities needed to actualize good governance in the State.
Since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, most politicians whose only source of income is politics do not think of investing in their respective states so as to provide employment for the teeming youths. Rather, they focus their energies on how to be rotated in political offices. A few of them who tried to have investments preferred to do so in Europe and other African countries than Nigeria.
Deltans will forever remember some of our indigenous industrialists like Edewor, Uloho, Ibru, Onosode and so on. Others who share their vision include Aliko Dangote, Dantata, Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Kenneth Gbagi, Igbenedion among others who continue to provide employment in the country.
With Kenneth Gbagi fully keyed into contesting the Governorship election in Delta State, the aspirations of unpopular contestants can only come to reality if Gbagi who believes in philanthropy and Job creation lacks the same credentials.
Apart from possessing the qualities of compassion and empathy, his zeal for job creation places him as the most prepared and qualified aspirant within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) who satisfies the zoning formula.
Gbagi’s support and contribution towards the growth of the PDP since its inauguration in 1999 attests to his commitment and sacrifice made over the years as a reliable party man.
When the cry of hunger caused by the lockdown ravaged the homes of Deltans, Kenneth Gbagi rose to the occasion as the first and only business mogul and politician who used his personal money to buy food items of various kinds as palliatives across the 25 local government areas of Delta State.
He went as far as paying the bills of patients in various hospitals and also provided money to cover surgical costs for sick people who are with chronic ailments. The masses are easily satisfied. They require jobs and stability to make them happy.
Gbagi’s empathy for humanity manifested severally in appeals to the federal government to intensify efforts on how the incessant killings in Southern kaduna, the attacks of Boko Haram and the Fulani herdsmen as well as the evils perpetrated by bandits in the Northern region of the country. This also included appeals on behalf of victims of flooding in several communities in Delta state.
Kenneth Gbagi’s role as a former Minister of State for Education went beyond the functions and activities of the ministry. He spent time to keep watch on the infrastructure which the Federal Government situated in his constituency and Delta State.
He also worked assiduously to see that the Federal University of Petroleum Resources (FUPRE) Ugbomro-Effurun was commissioned for learning and equipped with required facilities and equipment needed for smooth take off.  He also objected to the relocation of the Petroleum Training Institute (PTI) Effurun to Kaduna.
To further demonstrate that he is one whose tenure as Governor will not be regretted, he came home with the approval of Government Girls College to Oginibo, an Urhobo town in Delta State.
Going by the above accounts, those who misunderstood or were misinformed of the saga at the Signatious hotel, Effurun, appear skeptical in giving him maximum support towards his governorship ambition. Such persons in their interest should have a reset of their impressions, especially as the truth and reasons for such allegations have been exposed as the handiwork of political blackmailers.
Kenneth Gbagi’s lifestyle exudes love and empathy for his people and therefore can never be associated with such acts of inhumanity as portrayed in the molestation allegations against him.
Also, if he is said to be prudent or stern in handling his businesses or enterprises, he should not be castigated or blamed because most of the ailing or abandoned industries of both the state and the Federal Government were reduced to nothing as a result of mismanagement.
Apparently, Kenneth Gbagi’s opponents in the governorship race are aware that his credentials towards winning the race are unbeatable. Therefore, a competition like this, requires the ability to campaign or convince the electorates and to also showcase what they’ve done to make the masses support their aspiration.
They are therefore advised to discontinue the act of blackmail or calumny in politics, since the same does not portray the spirit of sportsmanship or oneness as expected from the people of the same Political party and ideology.
BY OGHENEAKPOBO I.E, a Political Analyst and PDP stalwart writes from Warri, Delta State.

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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