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“Tinubu Must Know That Buhari Doesn’t Want Him as President”

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“Tinubu Must Know That Buhari Doesn’t Want Him as President”

“Tinubu Must Know That Buhari Doesn’t Want Him as President”

 

Olufemi Aduwo

President of the Centre for Convention on Democratic Integrity (CCDI) Inc, Comrade Olufemi Akinbule-Aduwo, in this interview, speaks candidly on the state of the nation. The permanent representative of the CCDI to the United Nations and President, Rights Monitoring Group, shared his views on germane topics which include the army’s engagement against insecurity, the last End-SARS protest and related buck-passing, President Buhari medical tourism, among other subjects.

Excerpt…   

 

 

What is your position on the realignments going on in the two dominant political parties, APC and PDP?

There is no clear difference between APC and PDP. The only difference is the names. Nigerian politicians have no shame. I told a former governor, OGD, that, sir, I am ashamed to see you together with Dimeji Bankole who as House of Reps speaker fought you publicly and dragged the bus’ steering wheel with you at a commissioning ceremony. Let’s even take it from this aspect; Nelson Mandela played politics, Barack Obama played politics. These are decent people with decent politics. But when dirty people enter politics, politics then becomes dirty. Most of these new entrants in APC came in just to guarantee that their fraud cases are suspended. The only two that are real APC people are Buhari and Tinubu. They are the only people that can talk about the PDP years in power. Others like Rotimi Amaechi and Ngige can move elsewhere at any point in time.

 

 

President Buhari left Nigeria on medical vacation abroad at a time the doctors went on strike and NNPC was saying that fuel can no longer be sold at N162 per liter and at a time the nation is extremely gripped with banditry, kidnapping, and other challenges. What is your view about this?

I also bought fuel at N212 per liter in Ondo State. We then heard from the minister of state for petroleum that the marketers, PPPRA, just increased the fuel price without informing the government. And I wondered if PPPRA is not part of the government. PPPRA is a government agent. So, I told people that, watch it, in a few weeks the government will increase the fuel price. And a few days later, NNPC came up and said it could no longer sustain the fuel subsidy. Yet in 2011, President Buhari before he became president, said that subsidy is a fraud and anybody who pays it is a thief. He has not withdrawn that statement. Nigeria has 400,000 barrels daily for local consumption. If we refine, we would get our oil and the by-products. So, how much does it cost to produce a barrel? It is about 40 US Dollars to produce a barrel. When you produce a barrel, you can get about 150 liters of kerosene, diesel, and others. Even if you sell a liter of petrol for N50, you are still making a lot of profits. So, this is about monumental fraud, which the president might not even understand. Subsidy indeed is a fraud. If my Lord Jesus was even opportune to rule Nigeria, I’m sure he would feel confused. Before Buhari was elected president, we were convinced things were going to work, the refinery was going to work, and other things; but this is the sixth year of the government, nothing is working yet.

 

 

There is agitation for the breakup of Nigeria by some sections of the country. Do you see that coming into effect any time soon?

It does not work that way. They are noisemakers. To break a nation is not like breaking a cake. Nigeria, especially, is difficult to break. No one can break Nigeria in peace, we must go to war. Unless the powers that be agree to sit and discuss. For instance, apart from the one Nnamdi Azikwe and Tafawa Balewa did to create the Mid-West from the old Western Region, which was meant to reduce Obafemi Awolowo’s powers and influence, no civilian government has ever created a local government in the history of Nigeria. They have no such power. All the states so far were created by the military. Our Constitution does not give room for a referendum. The current Constitution is a product of the 1979 Constitution which was mid-wifed by the military. They only amended a few sections. However, if governors, senators, and other leaders today come up and say look, let’s review this Constitution, we would have no choice but to review it, and we move on. So, not until the powers that be agree to discuss.

 

Would you like to speak on the Covid-19 vaccines and the government’s management of the situation so far?

Yes, we are hearing about Covid-19 Vaccines being donated to the Nigerian government. But we are also hearing the government talking about billions of Naira being spent to get these Vaccines. At the end of the day, you are going to hear the Nigerian government saying they have spent trillions of Naira on procuring these Vaccines, which average Nigerians already know were given free. So, the problem with our leaders in Nigeria is the lack of transparency.

 

The United States of America just released a report literally absolving the Nigerian army from the Lekki EndSARS protest killings. Do you think that report did justice to what Nigerians expectation?

During the Lekki EndSARS saga, I visited Lekki three times to give support, with my NGO. On the day of the incident, I left Lekki Toll Gate around 4 o’clock in the morning. I was not told, I witnessed what happened there. When the army came around 6.45pm I was there. I am a father and everybody knows that I’m not a friend of the ruling APC. So, I’d be stupid and silly not to say exactly what I know about that incident. When the army left and the police came, I was there. The fact is that the local report of the Lekki incident was blown out of proportion. From the report of that lady, DJ Switch, you would see that the soldiers were shooting in the air. Then you wonder what purpose those bullets in the air would serve. Were they trying to catch people in the air? As I have said earlier, when a soldier carries one magazine, it contains 60 bullets. With that, at 20 meters distance, a soldier would kill about 100 persons. When the army left and police came, there were shootings by Mobile Police but no one reported that. So, imagine a lady telling us that she recorded the army activities right from when they left Bonny Camp and that she even confronted the soldiers.

 

With the US report on the matter, did you as a right activist take any step regarding the veracity of other claims?   

We have met with the United Nations on this issue. I have no other country, Nigeria is my only country. I have attended the UN Human Rights Council and tendered some documents. My organization and a partner organization are organizing a seminar in Geneva very soon where people are expected to tender more documents, including why the American government should even do more to help the Nigerian military in the fight against Boko Haram. Now, what the American government has said about the Lekki shooting is what everybody already knows, it is the truth.

 

But Governor Sanwo-Olu admitted that people died at Lekki…

…(cuts in) Yes, the Lagos State governor said that two people died. But the Amnesty International gave some figures that they could not verify. The only area I am concerned about is that the Lagos State government has to admit that there was an error in handling the matter. I am worried about the way the state government declared the curfew. The curfew was declared to take effect at 4pm and the governor said he would be addressing the press at 6pm on the curfew that was already in effect rom 4pm. For God’s sake, how is that proper? So, the fault should be placed on the governor’s table. This was a protest that lasted for two weeks. The soldiers were everywhere, they never abused anyone. It has to do with the communication gap. When the Lagos State government set up the panel to probe the incident, I told Barrister Ebun Olu-Adegboruwa, a pastor and an Ilaje man from my state, to pull out from the panel. I told him that the panel would not achieve any result because the governor cannot sack the police or the army because he didn’t employ them. And what has come out from the panel across the federation?

 

What difference do you think it would have made if the federal government had set up the panel?

If the federal government had set up that panel, the story would have been different. But for a state government to do it, it would not give any result because you can only fire who you hired, a state governor can’t fire even police or army sergeant. Besides, the government had been indicted. Can the governor attend the panel? No, because he has immunity. A panel is more or less a quasi court, so the governor can’t appear. The panel is about four months old now, what did we get from there? Nothing. It only literally allows the boys to eat.

 

Does your account mean that the American report has set aside the fact that people were killed at Lekki Toll Gate?

There was a commotion, just like the governor said. During the protest, a lot of people died across the country, not only in Lagos. A lot of people were killed, not by soldiers; perhaps, by police and in some parts of Lagos not in Lekki. Governor Sanwo-Olu did say there was commotion and people were running helter-skelter, meaning that anything could have happened in the process. You cannot rule out stray bullets.

 

 

What is your reaction to Garba Sheu’s comment that President Buhari didn’t start medical tourism abroad when he became president in 2015?

Mr. President is out of the country now. He should be the only president in the world that patronizes foreign hospitals. If the clinic in Aso Rock cannot be functioning, that shows that nothing functions in our system. That shows that the Nigerian medical system is just a mess. Yes, presidential spokesman, Garba Sheu, said that President Buhari didn’t start the medical trip abroad when he became president. That is not correct. President Buhari, since he left the government as military ruler in 1985, has never gone abroad for medical treatment; quote me anywhere. In fact, I doubt if he has ever performed an official Hajj since he left power as a military man. One thing I can vouch about Buhari is that he is a liberal Muslim, not a religious bigot.

 

Asiwaju Bola Tinubu has not declared for the 2023 presidency but the momentum is already high across the country. In fact, some are already organizing campaigns for him. What is your opinion about this?

On the issue of Asiwaju Tinubu, I have nothing against him. The June 12 1993 saga brought a lot of interests together; the good, the bad, and the ugly, to fight the then military president, IBB. They came together for different reasons. People like the former governor of Edo State, Chief Odigie Oyegun, and Professor Bolaji Akinyemi were very vocal. Then a lot of people came to join these people for different reasons. Somebody like Tinubu was mentioned that he was scheming to be a minister of petroleum but Abacha refused him. It was when Abacha refused him that he ran away. Tinubu was only detained for two days by Abacha before he ran out of Nigeria. I spent months in detention under Abacha, am I a politician? Many people who were not politicians were thrown into detention under Abacha. They were only protesting for the actualization of the June 12 election of MKO Abiola. We understand the game. In politics, two plus two is not four. Politicians would tell you that they are not fighting to get any reward but they know they are fighting for just what to gain.

 

So, you think Tinubu actually wants to be president in 2023?

The signs are there and they are clear. All the same, my advice is that Tinubu should study the terrain well because many things are going to work against him. Religion is going to work against him. He is a Muslim. What happened during the Abiola election when Muslim-Muslim ticket was allowed by IBB was for a purpose. It can’t happen again in Nigeria. Nigeria today is divided along religious lines more than ever before. And anyone contesting as a Muslim president dares not pick a Christian northerner as his running mate because such ambition is as good as dead.

 

But Tinubu had his birthday in Kano and he seemed to enjoy a warm reception among the Muslim Northerners. Isn’t that an indication there won’t be a problem with his ambition?

When Tinubu marked his birthday in Kano State, we understood the game. His calculation was that Kano is where the highest votes come from. He gave Katsina market fire victims N50m, why did he shun Shasha market fire victims in Ibadan? He gave Kaduna N200m to build schools, what happened to Lagos schools where he is the landlord? Is he not aware? It is politics. Chief Bisi Akande has said what was going on in APC where Tinubu is a leader gives a lot to worry about. The fact is that the powers that be are handing over the structures of APC to anti-Tinubu elements in the ruling party. How many ministers does Tinubu have in Buhari’s government today? None. Sunday Dare, the minister of sports, Tinubu is not the one that recommended him. Sunday is a candidate of Oyo State. Buhari does not want Tinubu to succeed him. That is the truth. If he does, it costs him nothing to hand over the APC structures to him without stress. Tinubu himself is only testing the waters, he knows it will not work.

Politics

Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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