Politics
Between the leaked PDP deal, nullified primaries and Amosun’s riposte
Between the leaked PDP deal, nullified primaries and Amosun’s riposte
By Kunle Somorin

Aesop’s, the legendary Greek man of Fables fame must have had the 2023 Ogun State Gubernatorial election in mind when he penned “The Milkmaid and Her Pail.” According to the didactic literato, a milkmaid had been out to milk the cows and was returning from the field with the magnificent milk pail balanced nicely on her head. As she walked along, her pretty head was busy with plans for the days to come.
“This good, rich milk,” she mused, “will give me plenty of cream to churn. The butter I make I will take to market, and with the money I get for it I will buy a lot of eggs for hatching. How nice it will be when they are all hatched and the yard is full of fine young chicks. Then when
May Day comes I will sell them, and with the money I’ll buy a lovely new dress to wear to the fair. All the young men will look at me. They will come and try to make love to me, but I shall very quickly send them about their business!”
As she thought of how she would settle that matter, she tossed her head scornfully, and down fell the pail of milk to the ground. And all the milk spilled out, and with the butter and eggs and chicks and new dress and all the milkmaid’s pride!
So it happened when Justice O. O. Oguntoyibo nullified all the primaries conducted by the People’s Democratic Party in the state because they were not in accordance with the provisions of the Electoral Act and with the clincher that the Independent National Electoral Commission should cease from recognising Ladi Adebutu as the governorship candidate of the party in the state. Before now like the milkmaid in Aesop tale, the supposed flagbearer, his running mates and their promoters have been counting their chickens before they are hatched – sharing portfolios and spoils of office even before the contest for office, from where the spoils of would emanate, began.
It is no longer news that last week, a document had surfaced in the Nigerian media space, which revealed a power-sharing agreement between the now disqualified Ogun State governorship candidate of the PDP, Oladipupo Adebutu, and his running mate, Abdul Kabir Akinlade. The seven-page agreement, titled, “Alliance Agreement between Hon. Oladipupo Olatunde Adebutu and Hon. Adekunle AbdulKabir Akinlade in respect of the 2023 Election Into the Offices of Governor, Deputy Governor, Related Elective Positions and Appointment in Ogun State”, was dated September 16, 2022.
The document was signed by both Adebutu and Akinlade, and confirmed by an oath at the High Court of Ogun State, Abeokuta, while Sikirulai Ogundele, the state PDP chairman and one Hon. Tola Banjo signed as witnesses to the parties respectively.
The agreement, among other provisions, ceded the role of Commissioner for Trade and Industry to the deputy governorship candidate, in addition to seven substantive commissioner slots, 15 Special Adviser slots, 20 Senior Special Assistant slots, 20 Special Assistant slots; five Statutory Board Chairman slots and five local government executive chairman slots conceded to the Allied People’s Movement (APM) and factional All Progressive Congress camp, should Adebutu emerge as the winner of the governorship election come 2023.
“In furtherance of Clause A and B hereinabove, Hon. Adekunle AbdulKabir Akinlade shall mobilise and deploy his political capital, groups, and other resources toward the successful emergence of all the candidates of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), particularly to the office of the Governor in Ogun State.
“Hon Adekunle AbdulKabir Akinlade shall equally support, assist, and promote the political interests of Hon (Dr) Oladipupo Olatunde Adebutu and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at all times.
“All actions, moves, and strategies made by the parties pursuant to the realization of this Agreement shall be made in good faith without any intention to unduly deprive the interests, rights, or benefits or either party.
“Each party shall not be a party to any other agreement that would restrict the Parties’ ability to perform any or all of their obligations as set forth in this Agreement.
“This Agreement shall be binding on the parties and amendment; supplement or modification can only be made by way of supplementary Alliance Agreement which shall be jointly and duly executed by the parties herein.
“In the event of any dispute between the parties with reference to the agreement or any matter arising hereunder, the parties shall resolve same by amicable negotiations.
“This Agreement shall be governed by and intercepted in accordance with the Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“In Witness Whereof, the parties hereto have caused this Alliance Agreement to be duly executed as of the date first set forth above”, the alliance agreement submitted,” the agreement read.
Curiously, a similar agreement was reached in 2019, when deputy governorship candidacy, as well as Ogun West senatorial ticket and two State House of Assembly tickets in Ogun Central, were conceded to the same APC/APM group loyal to a former governor of the state, Sen. Ibikunle Amosun.
While power-sharing agreements among political groups, individuals and interests are not unheard of in a democracy, some experts argue that this particular one signed between the Ogun State PDP and the APC/APM group backed by Sen Amosun reeks desperation to stave off self-inflicted immolation and preservation of the political self-interest of a few.
Of specific interest is the provision of the Section B of the agreement, which compels the creation of a new portfolio just for Akinlade, who “shall be appointed as the Honorable Commissioner for Trade and Investment in a ministry that shall be created to drive investments, improved revenue growth and development of the state. Provided that the deputy governor shall report directly to the executive governor in accordance with extant laws in relation to his official duties and functions of his office as Deputy Governor and Honorable Commissioner for Trade and Investment.”
It is interesting to note that Akinlade was once fired from a revenue yielding portfolio for acts unbecoming of a holder of such a sensitive office when he was appointed Senior Special Assistant in the first term of Amosun who is now disowning him and distancing himself from the retrogressive political wannabe from Ipokia,
Fair enough, Amosun has denied any knowledge of the leaked document signed by Adebutu and his loyalist, Akinlade, saying that the report was false and was only aimed at tarnishing his reputation.
In a statement issued by his media aide, Bola Adeyemi, on September 25, Amosun advised the public to dismiss the report. “This story is nothing more than a mischief to mislead the public and discredit the hard-earned reputation of the former governor of Ogun State. We have stated before and wish to state once again, categorically, without any fear of contradiction that, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, has nothing to do with the PDP in Ogun State. And he is not a party to any alliance formed with anyone or group of persons in the party,” the statement read.
However, Amosun’s reputation for anti-party activities continues to fuel suspicion about his connection with both the APC/APM group and the agreement between Adebutu and Akinlade. Recall that, in March 2019, the national working committee (NWC) of APC suspended Amosun, the then governor of Ogun over anti-party activities. The NWC of the party further recommended the expulsion of Amosun from the APC for “brazen anti-party activities” for supporting a different candidate for the governorship election in Ogun, despite the APC fielding the incumbent governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun, as its candidate.
Amosun publicly mobilised support for Akinlade, as governorship candidate as a member of APM.
Amosun was also heavily criticised in February 2019, when he flooded an APC presidential rally in Abeokuta with APM supporters. The incident almost turned violent, as the APM mob threw stones and other dangerous objects at President Muhammadu Buhari.
What’s more, at the commemoration the 50th anniversary of the Abeokuta Club in August, Amosun told journalists that he was not in support of Abiodun’s administration, saying that the governor must vacate his seat at the expiration of his first four-year term. “Just wait, very soon, you will hear where we are going next. Clearly, you know my stand, and my stand is my stand. I am not supporting this administration that is there now. He must be removed,” he said.
He also assured his supporters that his next line of action would soon be made public. Could this leaked agreement between the PDP and his loyalist be Amosun’s next line of action?
When Gov. Abiodun defeated Akinlade to emerge governor in 2019, Amosun instructed his supporters not to engage in a war of words with the government until after three years. However, he continues to discredit Abiodun and runs a parallel APC machinery in the state, along with the support of his APM surrogates.
In October 2021, he spearheaded a parallel state congress at the Ake palace ground, where Chief Derin Adebiyi emerged as state chairman. However, the mainstream of the party in the state, which had the governor of the state as leader, had its congress at the M.K.O. Abiola Stadium, Abeokuta. The election, which was conducted under the supervision of a 7-man state congress committee led by Chief Wale Ohu, produced Chief Yemi Sanusi as the state chairman of the party.
As expected, the national leadership of the party recognised Prince Abiodun’s bloc. As the political arena witnesses bustling activities, there are bound to be alignments and realignments by individuals and groups. The worry, however, is the extent to which political actors could undermine collective interests in pursuit of selfish interests. Whether connected with Amosun or not, that is what the Ogun leaked agreement has shown and what the court judgment has put paid to.
• Somorin writes in from Abeokuta
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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