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APC Ogun governorship Aspirant, Jimi Lawal Petitions IGP Over Primaries Result

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The frontline aspirant of the All Progressive Congress,APC in Ogun State, Jimi Adebisi Lawal has petitioned the inspector general of police, Malam Ibrahim Kpotun Idris over the electoral offences committed by Prince Dapo Abiodun in collaboration with 7 members of National Working Committee assigned to conduct gubernatorial primary in Ogun State. 
Below is the excerpt of the letter:
DRAFT ONLY
6th October, 2018.
Mallam Ibrahim Kpotun Idris,

The Inspector General of Police,

Force Headquarters, 

F.CT, Abuja,

Nigeria. 
Dear Sir,
ELECTORAL OFFENCES PERPETRATED BY PRINCE DAPO ABIODUN, MEMBERS OF THE ELECTORAL COMMITTEE FOR THE 2019 GUBERNATORIAL PRIMARY IN OGUN STATE AND THEIR COLLABORATORS:

DEMAND FOR DISCREET INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
1.0 INTRODUCTION:
1.1 My name is Jimi Adebisi Lawal and I am one of the six (6) gubernatorial aspirants certified fit by the All Progressive Congress (APC) to contest the gubernatorial primaries that was scheduled to hold in all the 236 Local Government Wards in Ogun State on 3rd October, 2018.
1.2 On Friday 5th October 2018, I submitted a letter of protest dated 3rd October, 2018 against the return of Prince Dapo Abiodun as the Candidate of APC to Governor Adams Oshiomhole, the National Chairman of our great party and I expect the National Working Committee to empanel an Appeal Committee to consider the submissions and nullify the false results, same having been fabricated by some of the Committee members to favour the candidate returned.

 

2.0. MATRIX OF FACTS:

 

2.1 The National Working Committee of APC set up an Eight (8) man committee led by Muhammad Indabawa as Chairman and Senator Gbenga Aluko as Secretary to conduct the above primary election. The operational rules and/or guidelines of the primary election in all the 236 Local Government Wards in Ogun State, were tabled by the committee for discussions with the aspirants in a couple of meetings between October 1st and 2nd. Stakeholders agreed to adhere to the direct primary and secret ballots system of voting prescribed by the National Working Committee. It was also agreed that the agents and/or representatives of the aspirants would be given full and unhindered rights to monitor the distribution of election materials and conduct the actual elections in all the Wards. Logistics plans were also agreed at the meeting because of the vastness of the size of the state.  The meeting of 2nd October, 2018 came to an end with the resolution that each aspirant would submit a list of Ward electoral officer,  Agents, Local Government and State Returning Officers (the said list to contain names, Wards, LGAs and phone number of nominees) not later than 8:00am the following morning to ensure that the primary election is conducted on 3rd October, 2018 unfailingly. A member of the Committee – Ms Esheza Oshogwe subsequently forwarded an allocation list of five returning officers for each Local Government (from the list submitted by the aspirants) as per attached, marked Annex I.
2.3. In order to assist with logistics, it was also resolved that the Committee would not use vehicles or any other resources from the State Government as a result of which an appeal was made by Sen. Aluko for any of the aspirants who could make a vehicle or two available. I volunteered to make as many vans as were needed available and also assisted in mapping out the routes that would ensure effective and timely delivery of the materials to the 20 Local Government offices of INEC. The vehicles were required to be delivered to the Committee by 8:00pm that evening so the delivery could commence as early as 6:00am the next day, upon arrival of police and other necessary security escorts.
2.4 As agreed, five vans were delivered that evening only for me to learn from one of the drivers at about 10:00am the following day that none of them had left Abeokuta. I promptly called Sen. Gbenga Aluko to enquire about the reason for the delay as we had been mobilizing the voters who had started arriving since 7:00am that morning. Sen. Aluko expressed frustration on account of Governor Amosun having directed the State Commissioner of Police not to make requisite police officers available for the exercise. He however assured me that the Committee Chairman was working with the National Chairman and the Inspector General to secure police officers from another State.
2.5 I called Sen. Aluko again at about 1:00pm, only to be informed that alternative arrangements had been made and that the vans could not be used because they were marked and that thugs might follow them. I immediately pointed out that the materials should not have been dispatched without armed police escort, just as they should have been accompanied by some of the aspirants’ representatives as agreed the previous night. He assured me that it was an oversight and that our returning officers and agents should go to INEC’s offices in the various Local Government Areas to receive the materials and ensure that the elections were held as required. We acted promptly by ensuring that all our Local Government returning officers were present in their respective INEC offices by about 1:30pm.

 

2.6 Given that Abeokuta North and South were only a few minutes away from the location of the materials, I called Senator Gbenga Aluko again at 2:00pm when none of the INEC offices throughout the State had received any of the materials. He again assured me that some of the materials had been delivered and I asked him to be specific; to which he mentioned Abeokuta North and Ado-Odo/Ota amongst others. I again double-checked with our Returning Officers in those locations and called Sen. Aluko back to make it clear that the materials had not been received. I called him yet again at 3:00pm, but he did not respond to my calls; at which point it became clear to me that after 2:00 hours of departure, which was more than sufficient time for 75-80% of the Local Government Area headquarters to have been reached from Abeokuta, that the materials must have been diverted since none had been received.

 

2.7 Since Sen. Aluko was no longer answering my calls, I sent him a message at 3:03pm as follows “My Brother Distinguished, I must put it on record after our telephone conversation a short while ago that I did not receive any message from you since yesterday and none of our local government returning officers had seen any of the materials in all the INEC’s offices so far! Please investigate and revert ASAP. With best wishes always. JAL” to which he responded “Noted. Will do” at 5:11pm. I then personally visited Ijebu-Ode INEC office being my Local Government and was categorically informed that no such materials had been received.
2.8 It is worth mentioning that a critical requirement for the primary election is not only for the materials to arrive safely in the Local Government Areas ahead of distribution to the Wards but for the process to also be monitored by INEC with a view to ensuring it is free, fair and credible. It is submitted that this requirement is indispensable for the outcome of any election of this nature to be upheld as credible. I therefore addressed a letter, on the spot to the Executive Officer in INEC’s office; who responded by confirming that the materials were not received and that no election was monitored by INEC in any and all of the 11 Wards in Ijebu-Ode Local Government Area. Copies of my letter and his response are attached to the enclosed Petition and marked Annex 2A & 2B respectively. 
2.9 I then directed that our Returning Officers who were still waiting in their respective INEC offices to do the same. A couple of the responses from Ado-Odo/Ota and Ogun Waterside are attached to the enclosed Petition and marked Annex 3A and 3B and respectively.
2.10 Apart from not directly witnessing any primary election in my Local Government, all my agents and returning officers also confirmed to me that elections did not hold in their Wards and Local Government. Alas, the members of the committee colluded with Prince ‘Dapo Abiodun by diverting the electoral materials to unknown locations and forging results of elections that never. Furthermore, it came as a rude shock that in the circumstance, the Committee’s Chairman announced the so-called results of the non-existent direct primary election. More so that none of the Committee Members left Abeokuta to visit any of the Local Government Areas and none of the Returning Officers for all the 20 Local Government Areas attested to any collated results whatsoever. The electoral officers at the ward level also did not participate in any declaration of results. To this effect, all our 20 Local Government Returning Officers me to be false Or which is at variance with the signed certificate of return commits an offence and is liable on conviction to 36 months imprisonment.  

Without doubt, the members of electoral committee knew that the results declared were false and must be prosecuted for subverting the will of the people by declaring bogus results for an election that did not hold.

3.0. ELECTORAL OFFENCES:
3.1 IGP Sir, I wish to submit with respect that the above acts of subversion of the will of the people implicate electoral offences under the Electoral Act 2010 (As Amended). From the forgoing matrix of facts, I wish to submit that the results declared by the Electoral Committee was false to all intents and purposes. Section 123 (4) of the Electoral Act clearly criminilises this act as follows:

123(4) Any person who announces or publishes an election result knowing same to be false Or which is at variance with the signed certificate of return commits an offence and is liable on conviction to 36 months imprisonment.  

Without doubt, the members of electoral committee knew that the results declared were false and must be prosecuted for subverting our electoral democracy by declaring a result of an election that did not hold.
3.2 In the same vein, I also wish to submit that the beneficiary of the crime – Prince Dapo Abiodun and other conspirators should be investigated for conspiracies with the electoral committee members and prosecuted accordingly. Section 124 (5) and (6) empower the court to impose the same quantum of punishment on co-conspirators as follows:

124(5) Any person who conspires, aids or abets any other person to commit any of the offences under this part of this Act shall be guilty of the same offence and punishment thereto. 

(6) For the purposes of this Act, a candidate shall be deemed to have committed an offence if it was committed with his knowledge and consent or the knowledge and consent of a person who is acting under the general or special authority of the candidate with reference to the election.
3.3 Finally, by departing fully from the agreed operational guidelines and logistics plans put in place by the aspirants at meetings held for that purpose, diverting electoral materials to destinations unknown to stakeholders, I submit that the electoral committee members, Prince Dapo Abiodun and their co-conspirators committed a crime under Section 128 of the Electoral Act which provides as follows:

‘’Any person who at an election acts or incites others to act in a disorderly manner commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a maximum fine ofN500,000. oo
3.4 Finally, by departing fully from the agreed operational guidelines and logistics plans put in place by the aspirants at meetings held for that purpose, diverting electoral materials to destinations unknown to stakeholders, I submit that some of the electoral committee members, Prince Dapo Abiodun and their co-conspirators committed a crime under Section 128 of the Electoral Act which provides as follows:

‘’Any person who at an election acts or incites others to act in a disorderly manner commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a maximum fine ofN500,000 or imprisonment for a term of 12 months or both.’’
4.0 CONCLUSION:
4.1 Although we have an iron cast civil case for the nullification of the election, I wish to urge the Inspector General of Police to work with the Honourable Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice to direct a discreet investigation and prosecution of the electoral offences committed as explained above. Your decision to act in this regard will send the right signal that we are indeed ready to accommodate more descent people in politics and democratic governance. It is submitted that the diligent prosecution of cases of this nature would vividly demonstrate that President Buhari’s Administration is serious in combating corruption and instituting good governance as an integral part of the Change Agenda. Also attached, please see below a video from one of the Committee members who was dismissed under controversial circumstances.
4.2 Please accept the assurances of my highest regards and best wishes always  always. 

Yours faithfully,
Jimi Lawal

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President Tinubu in Turkey: Guard of Honor and Strategic Agreements Signal New Era in Bilateral Relations

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, was accorded a full guard of honor during his official state visit to Turkey, a ceremonial reception reserved for world leaders and a strong signal of the respect Nigeria commands on the global stage.

The ceremony, held at the Turkish Presidential Complex in Ankara, featured military pageantry, national anthems, and formal protocol before high-level bilateral talks commenced.

The Presidency confirmed that President Tinubu briefly stumbled due to a camera cable while proceeding to the presidential lodge but stood up immediately and continued his engagements without interruption, stressing that the incident had no impact on the visit or his health.

More importantly, the visit delivered substantive diplomatic and economic outcomes. During talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on January 27, 2026, Nigeria and Turkey signed nine cooperation agreements and memoranda of understanding, covering military cooperation, higher education, diaspora policy, media and communication, halal accreditation, diplomatic training, and the establishment of a Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO).

At a joint press conference, President Tinubu emphasized the need to deepen cooperation in security, trade, and economic development, while President Erdoğan reaffirmed Turkey’s support for Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and commitment to strengthening strategic ties.

With Turkey’s strengths in defense technology, intelligence, education, and industrial capacity, the agreements open new opportunities for technology transfer, security collaboration, trade expansion, and human capital development.

In essence, the Turkey visit stands as a diplomatic success, defined not by a fleeting moment, but by honor, respect, and concrete agreements that advance Nigeria’s security, economy, and international standing.

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Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti and His Crowned Princes

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

 

Preface: The Necessity of Historical Context

Every generation seeks its heroes. In music, this instinct often manifests through comparison—an exercise that frequently reveals more about contemporary taste than historical contribution. In recent years, public discourse, amplified by social media, has juxtaposed Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with global Afrobeats icons, most notably Wizkid, provoking the recurring question of “greatness” in Nigerian music.

This essay does not diminish the accomplishments of Nigeria’s contemporary stars, whose global visibility is unprecedented. Rather, it offers a scholarly contextualization—one that distinguishes between musical origination and musical succession, and between cultural architecture and commercial dominance—while situating Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti firmly within the category of historical inevitability.

The Problem with Simplistic Comparison

Comparing Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with contemporary Afrobeats performers is, by scholarly standards, inherently flawed.

Fela’s work transcended performance. He engineered an entire musical and ideological system, fused political philosophy with sound, and permanently altered the trajectory of African popular music. His output represents cultural authorship, not entertainment calibrated to market demand. Fela’s music is timeless precisely because it was never designed to be fashionable.

A Yoruba proverb captures this distinction with enduring clarity:

“Ọmọ kì í ní aṣọ púpọ̀ bí àgbà, kó ní akísà bí àgbà.”

A child may own many clothes, but he cannot possess the rags of an elder.

The proverb is not dismissive. It is instructive. It speaks to accumulated depth—experience earned, systems built, and legacies forged through time rather than trend.

Musicians and Artistes: A Necessary Distinction

A rigorous analysis requires conceptual precision. Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti was a musician in the classical and intellectual sense: a composer, arranger, bandleader, employer of musicians, multi-instrumentalist, theorist, and cultural philosopher. His work demanded mastery of form, orchestration, ideology, and discipline.

Fela composed extended works, trained orchestras, performed entirely live, and embedded African political consciousness into rhythm, harmony, and structure.

By contrast, many contemporary stars—though exceptionally gifted and globally successful—operate primarily as artistes: interpreters of sound whose work prioritizes studio production, performance aesthetics, and commercial reach. This is not a hierarchy of worth, but a distinction of function. Fela’s music demanded study and confrontation; contemporary Afrobeats prioritised accessibility, pleasure, and global circulation—often without courting antagonism.

Afrobeat: An Ideological Invention

Afrobeat, as conceived by Fela, was not merely a genre. It was an ideological framework. Jazz, highlife, Yoruba rhythmic systems, call-and-response traditions, and political chant were fused into a resistant, uncompromising form.

Modern Afrobeats—by Wizkid, Burna Boy, and others—are adaptations and descendants, not replicas. They have expanded Africa’s global cultural footprint, but expansion does not erase origination. Fela’s Afrobeat remains the undiluted prototype upon which contemporary success rests.

Enduring Legacy Beyond Mortality

Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti passed in 1997, yet his influence has intensified rather than diminished. His legacy is evidenced by:

– Continuous academic study across global universities.

– International bands, many formed by people not alive at the time of his death, performing his works.

– FELABRATION, now a global annual cultural event.

– Broadway and international stage adaptations inspired by his life and music.

– Lifetime achievement and posthumous recognition by the Grammy Awards.

– Cultural centres, festivals, and scholarly conferences generating lasting intellectual and economic value.

This constitutes cultural permanence, not nostalgia.

Reconsidering Wealth and Sacrifice

Measured monetarily, Fela was not among the wealthiest musicians of his era. His radicalism came at an immense personal cost. He was beaten repeatedly. His mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, was killed. His home was burned. Original artistic archives were destroyed during state-sanctioned violence by unknown soldiers, even though history records who authorised the actions.

Yet Fela gave voice to generations—from Ojuelegba to Mushin, Ajegunle to Jos, Abuja, and even the privileged enclaves of today’s ọmọ baba olówó. He toured globally with an unusually large band long before satellite television or social media could amplify his reach.

Like Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe, Fela’s wealth exists beyond currency. It resides in influence, citation, adaptation, and endurance.

National and Global Recognition

Fela received a state burial in Lagos—an extraordinary acknowledgment from a military government he relentlessly criticised. Nations rarely honour dissenters so formally.

Globally, his stature aligns with figures such as James Brown, Elvis Presley, and the Rolling Stones—artists whose music reshaped identity, politics, and social consciousness.

The Crowned Princes: Wizkid and the Ethics of Reverence

Nigeria’s modern stars—Wizkid, Burna Boy, 2Face Idibia, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Tems, Olamide, among others—have achieved extraordinary global success. They are wealthier, more mobile, and more visible internationally than previous generations, and they deserve their accolades.

Wizkid, in particular, has consistently demonstrated reverence rather than rivalry toward Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti.

Femi Aníkúlápó Kuti has publicly stated:

“Wizkid loves Fela like a father.”

Wizkid has repeatedly supported FELABRATION, never demanding performance fees. The only times he has not appeared were occasions when he was not in the country. He has remixed Fela’s music, bears a Fela tattoo on his arm, and openly acknowledges Fela’s primacy.

A senior associate and long-time friend of Wizkid has affirmed that Wizkid adores Fela, would never equate himself with him—“in this world or the next”—and that recent tensions were reactions to provocation rather than assertions of equivalence.

This distinction matters. Wizkid’s posture is one of inheritance, not competition.

Seun Kuti and the Burden of Legacy

Seun Kuti is a musician of conviction and lineage. Yet relevance is best secured through original contribution rather than reactive comparison. Fela’s legacy does not require defence through controversy; it is already settled by history.

As William Shakespeare observed:

“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars,

But in ourselves, that we are underlings.”

—Julius Caesar

The weight of inheritance can inspire greatness or provoke restlessness. History rewards those who build upon legacy, not those who contest it.

The Songs That Made Fela Legendary

Among the works that cemented Fela’s immortality are:

– Zombie

– Water No Get Enemy

– Sorrow, Tears and Blood

– Coffin for Head of State

– Expensive Shit

– Shakara

– Gentleman

– Teacher Don’t Teach Me Nonsense

– Roforofo Fight

– Beasts of No Nation

These compositions remain sonic textbooks of resistance.

Fela in the Digital Age

Had Fela lived in the era of social media, his voice would have resonated far beyond Africa. His music would have found kinship among global movements confronting inequality, oppression, and social injustice.

“Music is the weapon.”

—Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti

Weapons, unlike trends, endure.

Placing Greatness Correctly

Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti’s greatness does not require comparison. He is the great-grandfather of Afrobeat—the musical and cultural architect who cleared the roads upon which today’s Afrobeat princes now travel.

Honouring contemporary success does not diminish historical achievement. To understand Nigerian music’s global relevance is to understand Fela. History, when read correctly, is both generous and precise.

 

Prince Adeyemi Shonibare writes on culture, music history, and African creative industries. He is a media and events consultant based in Nigeria.

 

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Mazangari Decries Prolonged Silence Over Unresolved EFCC Bank Draft Allegations

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EFCC Nabs 148 Chinese Nationals, 645 Others for Cyberfraud and Romance Scams in Major Lagos Raid

Years after a petition alleging abuse of office, intimidation and institutional misconduct was submitted against operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Hajia Mazangari has drawn public attention to the matter once again, expressing concern over what she described as prolonged institutional silence and the absence of any known resolution.

The controversy arose from a bank draft transaction involving a sum running into several millions of naira, reportedly issued in the name of “EFCC Clients Account” and handed over to one Habibu Aliyu.

According to the account contained in the petition, Hajia Mazangari was later contacted by her bank and informed that an EFCC operative allegedly approached the bank, requesting that the draft earlier issued by her be cashed into another personal account.

The bank reportedly declined the request, insisting that the draft could only be re-issued in the name of a new beneficiary in compliance with established banking regulations. Attempts by Hajia Mazangari, through her solicitor, to retrieve the original bank draft allegedly resulted in hostility from Habibu Aliyu and Ruqqaya Ibrahim, with the situation escalating into what the petition described as sustained malice, intimidation and humiliation.

“It is as a result of this unending malice, torture and humiliation that we passionately plead to you, sir, to save our client who has been run aground by people with personal vendetta disguising as public officers,” the petition read.

In a further petition dated 14 January 2020 and addressed to the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, through her counsel, Ibrahim Salawu, Esq., Hajia Mazangari alleged that Habibu Aliyu (a former staff of the EFCC), Ruqqaya Ibrahim (a serving EFCC staff), Mohammed Goje (a serving EFCC staff) and one Mustafa Gadanya (a former staff of the EFCC) had, on various occasions, stormed her family residence in Kaduna.

According to the petition, copies of which were obtained by our correspondent in Abuja, the individuals allegedly accused her, her son and his associates of being involved in a pension scam, insisting that they were “neck-deep” in the alleged fraud and would be dealt with and made to face prosecution.

Hajia Mazangari maintained that the accusations were unfounded and that the repeated visits amounted to intimidation and abuse of authority.

In a related development at the time, counsel to Ahmed and Fatima Mazangari, Barrister Ibrahim Salawu, also wrote to the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court seeking the reassignment of their case to another court, following the elevation of the presiding judge to the Court of Appeal and the resultant irregular sittings of the court.

Despite the seriousness of the allegations contained in the petitions, efforts to obtain an official response from the EFCC at the time reportedly proved abortive.

Years later, Hajia Mazangari maintains that the institutional silence that greeted her complaints has persisted. She faulted the former Chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Magu, for allegedly failing to address the concerns raised in the petitions.

She further accused the former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, of failing to intervene or cause a review of the matter despite being formally notified.

According to her, the situation has not changed under the current leadership of the EFCC, which she claims has continued in what she described as the same pattern of silence and inaction, leaving the issues raised unresolved several years after the petitions were submitted.

She also raised concerns over the continued service of an officer identified as Mohammed Goje at the EFCC office in Gombe, noting that other officers of similar standing were reportedly dismissed in the past for corrupt practices. She questioned why no publicly known disciplinary or investigative outcome has emerged from her complaints.

Hajia Mazangari stressed that her decision to speak out again is not based on any fresh incident, but on the need to draw public attention to an unresolved matter which, in her view, underscores broader concerns about institutional accountability. She called on relevant authorities and oversight bodies to revisit the petitions and ensure that the issues raised are conclusively addressed in accordance with the law.

When contacted for comments on the allegations and the renewed public attention surrounding the matter, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had not responded as at the time of filing this report.

However, the Commission is hereby afforded the right of reply and is free to present its position or clarifications on the issues raised.

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