Politics
Appeal Court Set Up Justice Mohammad Sanwalu , 4 Others As Panel To Rule Over Osun Election
Published
6 years agoon

Interestingly, the last might not have been heard in the Osun governorship election as Gboyega Oyetola and Ademola Adeleke, the two principal contenders in that election, approach the Court of Appeal for solace. LATEEF DADA reports on the litigation.
Without mincing words, the governor of Osun state, Mr Gboyega Oyetola and his arc-rival in the September 22, 2018 governorship election, Senator Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP) are presently in tension following the unfavourable judgment of the election petition tribunal and the Bwari High Court, Abuja.
Exactly six months after the gubernatorial election, the election petition tribunal sitting in Apo, Abuja, on March 22, 2019, delivered judgment in favour of Adeleke, directing that the certificate of return be withdrawn from Oyetola while a new certificate should be issued to Adeleke immediately.
Apparently shocked by the pronouncement of the tribunal, some groups, allegedly sponsored by the state government, stormed Oshogbo, the capital of Osun state to protest the judgment of the tribunal that nullified the election of Oyetola.
Later, Oyetola went to challenge the judgment of the tribunal at the appellate court, praying the court to upturn the decision of the majority judgment of the tribunal.
In a 39-ground notice of appeal filed on March 26, 2019 by his team of lawyers led by Wole Olanipekun (SAN), Oyetola faulted the majority judgment of Justices Peter Obiora and Anyinla Gbolagunte on the grounds that it was perverse, replete with contradictions and not supported by evidence led by the petitioners.
Oyetola prayed the Court of Appeal to uphold his appeal, set aside the majority judgment and dismiss the October 16, 2018 petition by PDP and Adeleke.
Oyetola argued that the tribunal was wrong to have declared Adeleke winner of the election held on September 22 and 27, 2018 on ground of non-compliance rather than ordering a rerun election, noting that, not only did the decision disenfranchise the electorate in the affected polling units, it violated the provision of Section 140 (2) of the Electoral Act.
He said his complaint, in the appeal, was against the entire majority judgment, except where the tribunal held that it lacked jurisdiction to set aside INEC Guidelines; that the allegation of over-voting was not proved; that the petitioners did not prove voided votes and other parts of the judgment where the tribunal agreed with their arguments.
Oyetola is contending, in his first ground of appeal, that the entirety of the majority judgment is a nullity because it was written and delivered by Justice Obiora whom he said, “Did not participate in all the proceedings of the tribunal and who was not present when all the witnesses gave evidence.”
After 11 days that the tribunal declared Adeleke winner of the Osun election, Justice Othman Musa of an Abuja High Court, sitting in Bwari Area Council, nullified the nomination of Senator Adeleke as candidate of the PDP in the September 22, 2018 governorship election. Two chieftains of the APC: Wahab Raheem and Adam Habeeb, had in 2018 barely few days to the governorship election, dragged Adeleke to court, alleging that he did not possess the requisite educational qualification (secondary school certificate) to contest for the office of the governor.
They urged the court to disqualify Adeleke from participating in the September 22 governorship election and the court subsequently granted the order on the grounds that Adeleke offended section 177 of the 1999 Constitution which stipulates that candidates for the position of governor must be educated up to secondary school level.
Shortly after the judgment, the Ademola Adeleke Campaign Organisation, who had earlier lauded the judgment, faulted the disqualification of Adeleke’s candidacy by the Bwari court. The group in a statement by its spokesperson, Mr Niyi Owolade, noted that the issue had been settled by two high courts, describing the Bwari judgment as shocking.
The group said, “First of all, the matter in question has been addressed by two high court rulings affirming that in the face of the constitution, Senator Ademola Adeleke is qualified to run for the governorship. The two rulings delivered in September 2018 held that Adeleke satisfied requirement of the law to contest for office. It is trite in law that once a court of coordinate jurisdiction has ruled on a matter, a court of similar jurisdiction cannot entertain it.”
Now that the two major rival are making serious efforts to get free of restraints, the incumbent governor, Oyetola, must do everything legally possible to make sure that the appellate court upturn the nullification of his election by the tribunal, while his arc-rival, Adeleke must put up a legal battle to win the two appeal court. He needs the court of appeal in Akure, Ondo state, to uphold the tribunal judgment that declared him winner, and the Court of Appeal in Abuja, to dismiss the Bwari judgment that disqualified his candidacy.
As the battle was on, victory came the way of Adeleke in one of the pending suits against his eligibility to contest the governorship election. On Saturday April 6, a Court of Appeal sitting in Akure, Ondo state, affirmed the eligibility of Adeleke to contest, contrary to the judgment of the Justice David Oladimeji of Osogbo High court. The court dismissed the appeal filed against the judgment of Osun state High court in Osogbo that had earlier affirmed that Adeleke is eligible to contest election as governor.
With the dissenting judgment by the chairman of the tribunal, Justice Muhammad Sirajo, the duo of Oyetola and Adeleke have to wait for the appeal to decide whether to uphold the majority judgment or the minority judgment. Justice Sirajo, in a dissenting view on the judgment said, “I have the privilege of reading in draft the majority judgment of the tribunal just delivered by my learned brother, Justice Peter Obiorah.
“Even though I participated actively and contributed immensely by writing some portions of the judgment just delivered, I disagreed with the decisions and conclusions reached by my learned brothers with regards to the allegation of non-compliance with the provision of Electoral Act, particularly, the allegation of non-recording.
A former Attorney General in Osun state, Mr Niyi Owolade, maintained that the majority judgment is on the side of the law, saying that the alterations in form EC8A is substantial enough to accept that the election was rigged in favour of Oyetola.
The question people are asking however is if there will be another re-run in Osun state. The September 27 governorship re-run was widely condemned by national and international observers including the media because it was characterised by violence.
Will the appeal upturn the judgment of the tribunal and declare Oyetola as substantive winner of the election without taking note of the irregularities pointed out by the tribunal? The PDP has the right to go to Supreme Court. What if the appeal upholds the judgment of the tribunal and declare Adeleke winner? The certificate scandal may prevent Adeleke from taking over. All these, investigation reveal will unfold in a matter of days.
However, in a chat with Blueprint, a lawyer, Mr Femi Ayandokun, explained that the second runner up of Adeleke at the primary, Dr Akin Ogunbiyi, who was alleged to be a mole to Senator Bola Tinubu, will take over. How that will unfold is what everyone is waiting to see.
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Sahara weekly online is published by First Sahara weekly international. contact saharaweekly@yahoo.com

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Politics
The Grip of Godfathers: How Political Puppeteers Hijacked Nigeria’s 2023 Elections
Published
1 day agoon
April 17, 2025
The Grip of Godfathers: How Political Puppeteers Hijacked Nigeria’s 2023 Elections
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
In any genuine democracy, power flows from the people to their leaders. But in Nigeria, especially in the 2023 general elections, this democratic ideal was once again hijacked by an entrenched system of political godfatherism—an unholy alliance of oligarchs, kingmakers, and shadowy puppeteers who wield immense influence over who gets elected and who gets crushed. The result is a democracy disfigured by greed, betrayal, and manipulation.
The Anatomy of Godfatherism in Nigeria
Godfatherism in Nigerian politics is not new. Since the return to democracy in 1999, it has played a dominant role in shaping the political landscape. Godfathers are wealthy political elites—often former governors, military officers, or businessmen—who sponsor candidates into power in exchange for loyalty, contracts, and control of state resources. As Professor Attahiru Jega, former INEC chairman, once noted, “Nigeria’s elections are not necessarily won by popularity or competence but by who controls the political machinery” (Jega, 2022).
The 2023 elections were a glaring manifestation of this disease. Across the country, from Lagos to Kano, Rivers to Delta, godfathers imposed candidates, manipulated primaries, and dictated outcomes with impunity. It wasn’t about manifestos or merit; it was about loyalty to the political mafia.
Lagos: The Jagaban Effect
Nowhere was godfatherism more pronounced than in Lagos State. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the self-acclaimed “Jagaban of Borgu” and national leader of the APC, has maintained a vice-like grip on Lagos politics since 1999 (TheCable, 2023). In 2023, he ascended to the presidency not by a groundswell of popular support but by orchestrating a brutal, well-funded political machine that bulldozed its way through party primaries and general elections.
Despite throwing the full weight of his influence behind the APC candidate for governor, the Labour Party made historic gains in Lagos, defeating APC in the presidential vote within Tinubu’s stronghold (INEC Official Results, 2023). Yet, voter suppression, intimidation, and ethnic incitement marred the subsequent gubernatorial polls—underscoring how far godfathers will go to maintain control (Amnesty International, 2023).
As Chinua Achebe once warned, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership” (Achebe, 1983). That leadership failure is deeply tied to the stranglehold of political godfathers who prioritize personal gain over national progress.
Northern Nigeria: The Invisible Hands
In the North, political godfatherism took a more insidious form. Former military generals and entrenched politicians, particularly those from Buhari’s camp, played strategic roles in determining party tickets and political deals. The G5 governors’ rebellion in PDP—led by Wike, Ortom, Makinde, Ugwuanyi, and Ikpeazu—was itself a godfatherist power play aimed at disrupting national party consensus (Vanguard, 2023).
In Rivers State, Governor Nyesom Wike turned the state into a battleground of interests, publicly undermining his own party while negotiating backdoor deals with APC. The resulting electoral confusion led to disputed results and a fractured political environment (Premium Times, 2023).
The Electoral Betrayal of the Masses
INEC’s failure to transmit election results electronically despite promising to do so under the 2022 Electoral Act was a monumental betrayal. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), hailed as a game-changer, was abandoned during collation, opening the door to rigging (European Union Election Observation Mission, 2023).
The “Obidient” movement, powered by youth disillusionment and the candidacy of Peter Obi, gave millions of Nigerians hope. But that hope was crushed not just by INEC’s failure but by the deeply entrenched political oligarchs who feared losing power to the people.
As political scientist Robert Michels observed in his “Iron Law of Oligarchy,” “Who says organization, says oligarchy.” Nigerian parties, structured around godfathers, operate not as democratic institutions but as authoritarian vehicles of personal ambition.
The Tragedy of Compromise and Silence
Most tragic is the normalization of this dysfunction. Religious leaders, traditional rulers, and even the judiciary have often chosen silence or convenient neutrality. But as Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka rightly declared, “The man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny” (Soyinka, 1972). In 2023, silence was louder than outrage.
President Muhammadu Buhari’s hands-off approach to post-election violence and widespread irregularities further eroded public confidence. Despite pledging to leave a legacy of free and fair elections, Buhari’s silence on INEC’s failures and his party’s abuses was deafening.
The Cost of Godfatherism
The cost of godfatherism is not just political—it is economic and social. It kills initiative, breeds incompetence, and facilitates corruption. When leaders are beholden to patrons, they have little incentive to serve the people.
The World Bank reports that Nigeria has lost over $400 billion to corruption since independence (World Bank, 2022). A significant portion of this is tied to godfather networks and political patronage. State capture, contract fraud, inflated budgets, and ghost projects are the legacy of politicians who serve their funders, not their constituents.
A Way Forward: Breaking the Chains
To dismantle the system of godfatherism, Nigeria must reform its institutions. INEC must be truly independent, immune from executive or legislative interference. Political party financing should be transparent and audited. Civil society must hold leaders accountable, and the media must stop being megaphones for political propaganda.
Political parties should internalize democracy—allowing primaries to be decided by merit, not by money or manipulation. As Nelson Mandela once said, “A critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood of any democracy” (Mandela, 1994). The Nigerian media must rise to this responsibility.
Voter education is essential. Citizens must understand their power and refuse to sell their votes. The success of the “Not Too Young To Run” Act and the rise of youth-led political activism in 2023 prove that the tide can turn—but only with sustained resistance.
Conclusion: A Call to Reclaim Democracy
Nigeria cannot move forward while her politics remains in the chokehold of godfathers. The 2023 elections should not just be remembered as a contest of candidates but as a referendum on whether Nigerians are truly free to choose their leaders.
As Dora Akunyili once said, “We must fight for the soul of our nation.” That fight must be waged at the ballot box, in the courts, on the streets, and in our hearts. The era of godfatherism must end—for democracy, development, and dignity to thrive in Nigeria.
_Sylvester is a prolific writer and political analyst; He writes from Johannesburg._
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Politics
Speaker Obasa Calls for Unity as Court Declares Removal Illegal, Unconstitutional
Published
2 days agoon
April 16, 2025
Speaker Obasa Calls for Unity as Court Declares Removal Illegal, Unconstitutional
Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. (Dr) Mudashiru Obasa has described the Lagos State High Court ruling, which declared his removal in January, “Illegal, unconstitutional, and null and void,” as a win for the Assembly as an institution.
“This is a victory for the Lagos House of Assembly as an institution and for our current and future members,” Obasa said in a statement by his media office.
He added that the court decision “reinforces the desire for us as members of the House to move ahead in unity and harmony and continue to work for the good of our people, our beloved Lagos State, and Nigeria.”
Speaker Obasa urged his colleagues to let bygones be bygones and continue working together in peace, harmony, and unity.
Justice Yetunde Pinheiro of the Lagos State High Court in Ikeja on Wednesday declared Obasa’s removal while on an official assignment to the United States of America in January as illegal, unconstitutional, and null and void.
Instructively, the court also nullified the proceedings and resolutions of the Assembly held on January 13, 2025, during which Obasa was ousted from office.
Obasa had filed a suit on February 12, 2025, through his counsel, Chief Afolabi Fashanu (SAN), challenging his removal because it was effected while the Assembly was on recess and he was outside the country. Obasa further argued that the House session during which he was removed was unlawfully convened and lacked proper authority or any formal delegation of power from the Speaker’s office. He named the House of Assembly and the Deputy Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, as defendants.
Obasa’s legal challenge was anchored on nine grounds, relying on provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Rules and Standing Orders of the Lagos State House of Assembly.
The court’s ruling effectively renders null and void all decisions taken during the January 13 session.
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Politics
Just in: China Erases Nigeria: A Diplomatic Earthquake or a Wake-Up Call?
Published
2 days agoon
April 16, 2025
Just in: China Erases Nigeria:
A Diplomatic Earthquake or a Wake-Up Call?
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
Introduction: A Shocking Move from Beijing
In a move that has stunned the international community, the People’s Republic of China has taken an audacious and provocative diplomatic step:
Removed Nigeria from its official land map
Deactivated Nigerian presence on Chinese apps like WeChat and Weibo
Shut down the Nigerian Embassy in Beijing
Recalled its ambassador from Abuja
These actions are not just a geopolitical insult, they are a direct challenge to the legitimacy of Nigeria as a sovereign state.
Beijing’s Provocation: “Nigeria Has Expired”
According to the Chinese Foreign Affairs Ministry, Nigeria was a colonial construct designed to exist for only 100 years, referencing the 1914 British amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates. Their chilling statement read:
“Nigeria’s continued existence has no historical or legal foundation. It is an expired project being manipulated by a corrupt elite.”
This unprecedented dismissal of a country’s legitimacy by a major power is deeply disturbing and diplomatically irresponsible.
Sovereignty Under Threat: A Dangerous Precedent
China’s actions violate several principles of international law, including:
The United Nations Charter (Article 2): Respect for the sovereignty of all member states
The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961)
The African Union Constitutive Act (2000)
This move sends a dangerous message: that powerful nations can now erase weaker states based on selective historical interpretations.
Hypocrisy at Its Peak: China’s Double Standards
Beijing’s stance reeks of hypocrisy. China is itself a union of vastly different regions and ethnic groups:
Tibet and Xinjiang are held through military suppression.
Hong Kong is governed under the contentious “One Country, Two Systems.”
Taiwan, which China claims, is a fully functioning democratic entity.
How does a country that brutally suppresses secessionist sentiments now justify dismantling Nigeria for the same reasons it opposes in its own territories?
A Wake-Up Call for Nigeria’s Leadership
As painful as this is, Nigeria must reflect on why such an insult was possible in the first place. Over the last decade, the country has deteriorated in almost every global index:
Key Statistics (2015–2024):
Unemployment: Rose from 9.9% in 2015 to over 33.3% in 2023 (NBS)
Poverty: Over 133 million Nigerians live in multidimensional poverty (NBS, 2022)
Exchange rate: Naira devalued from ₦199/$1 in 2015 to over ₦1,600/$1 in 2024
Minimum wage: ₦30,000 ($18 monthly equivalent), yet unpaid in over 20 states
Debt to China: Over $4 billion owed, much of it collateralized (DMO, 2023)
Terrorism: Boko Haram, banditry, and IPOB violence still unchecked
China’s declaration may be diplomatically outrageous, but it exposes a fundamental truth: Nigeria has failed to act as a nation-state.
Weaponized Economics: China’s Neo-Colonial Grip China’s economic involvement in Africa has long raised concerns about debt diplomacy and economic colonization. Nigeria, like many African states, fell into Beijing’s web:
Railway projects: Over $2.5 billion funded by Chinese banks
Airport terminals: Chinese-built and financed with opaque terms
Sovereignty clauses: Some loan agreements allegedly waive immunity over critical assets in disputes
If China halts funding or demands repayments, Nigeria’s fragile economy could face collapse.
African Solidarity Needed Now
The silence from African governments has been deafening. If Nigeria, the largest economy and most populous country in Africa, can be humiliated this way, then no African state is safe.
The African Union must:
Convene an emergency summit
Demand a full apology and diplomatic reversal from China
Consider sanctions or diplomatic retaliations if China persists
This is not just a Nigerian issue, it is an African existential crisis.
The Deafening Silence of the West
Western nations, typically vocal about human rights and sovereignty, have responded with vague platitudes. The UK—Nigeria’s former colonizer has said nothing meaningful. The US State Department simply urged “calm.”
This lack of global outcry reflects how far Nigeria has fallen in international relevance. A once-powerful voice in the Non-Aligned Movement, a key peacekeeping contributor, and regional stabilizer is now seen as a failed state.
The Identity Crisis: Who Is a Nigerian?
Beijing’s criticism touches a nerve: Nigeria’s identity crisis.
Over 250 ethnic groups
Three major religions with deep divisions.
Electoral politics driven by tribalism and zoning, not competence.
Secessionist agitations in the South East (IPOB), South West (Yoruba Nation), and Niger Delta
More than a century after amalgamation, there is still no unifying national vision. If China’s insult triggers a much-needed national debate, it could be a blessing in disguise.
From Humiliation to Rebirth
China’s erasure of Nigeria from its map and communication networks is outrageous, unlawful, and racist. But it is also a moment of reckoning.
*Nigeria must now:*
Reclaim its dignity through good governance
Rebuild national unity with a people-first constitution
Diversify its economy to reduce dependence on exploitative powers
Assert itself diplomatically as Africa’s true leader
This is not the end, it could be the beginning of Nigeria’s long-overdue transformation.
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