Politics
Backdoor petition filing: Over 400 lawyers raise alarm over threats to whistleblower’s life
Backdoor petition filing: Over 400 lawyers raise alarm over threats to whistleblower’s life
. Ask SDP to produce valid proofs of petition filing within 21-day window
. Say Tribunal Secretary’s claims of attack suspicious, must be investigated
. Call on President Tinubu, security chiefs to protect colleague, nab sponsors of violence
Over 400 lawyers, on Friday, raised the alarm over persistent threats to the life of one of their colleagues, Barr. Yetunde Olubunmi Shaibu, Convener of the United Front for Democracy (UFD), by certain interests loyal to the Social Democratic Party and its Governorship candidate.
The lawyers, from across the six geo-political zones of the county, under the aegis of the Commitee for the Defence of Democracy, said this followed UFD’s whistleblowing on an alleged clandestine move by the Social Democratic Party and its Governorship candidate to file their petition against the outcome of the November 11 election through the backdoor and backdate same to circumvent the provisions of the Electoral Act, having failed to do so within the 21-day window prescribed by law.
The lawyers, who spoke at an emergency press conference in Abuja, attended by 20 representatives of the organisation representing their zones, said the claim by the Secretary of the Tribunal that he was attacked and petitions stolen, shortly after the whistleblowing, was suspicious.
They noted that ever since Shaibu’s organisation raised the alarm on Monday, this week, she had received series of threat messages, while her family members had also been harassed endlessly for no crime other than the fact that she engaged in a patriotic act in defence of democracy and called for investigation into a crucial matter after diligent findings.
The lawyers called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, security chiefs and all relevant authorities to leave no stone unturned in protecting their colleague, saying “an injury to one is an injury to all of us.”
“With the insecurity challenge in Nigeria today, and the lawlessness being displayed, especially by desperate politicians in Kogi State in particular, and beyond, threats of this nature must not be glossed over, especially when the dare-devil politicians have made their evil intentions known even on public platforms,” they stressed.
The Convener of CDD, Barr. Ambrose Ajoyo Omoleaupen, Esq, who briefed the press on behalf of others, said, “All threats to her life must not be taken for granted but thoroughly investigated and the culprits and their sponsors nabbed before they carry out their nefarious criminality.”
According to him, the latest twist, which has involved the threat to the life of their colleague called for a closer look at the issues surrounding the issue at hand – petition filing by the political parties concerned in Kogi State.
On this, the laywers said, “It is instructive to note that suddenly after the whistleblowing, as if to lend credence to UFD’s allegations, the Secretary of the Tribunal raised the alarm, in a manner that seemed an effort to cover up something, that he had been attacked by armed hoodlums and all documents related to the petition had been taken away at gunpoint while on his way to the office from his hotel room.
“As lawyers, we deal with tangible evidence and facts, not speculations. It is on the basis of this that we have decided, without prejudice to whatever processes that are currently ongoing, to unveil the facts, to interrogate a few critical variables surrounding the whole incident as a way of furthering the cause of democracy and justice, which is a collective responsibility of all citizens.
“In the first instance, election petition documents are voluminous by nature, moreso when you are talking about petitions purportedly submitted by four (4) Political Parties. One wonders what all of those documents were doing in the custody of the Tribunal’s Secretary when they should have been safely kept in an office.
“You can’t be driving around town with such voluminous and sensitive documents that determine the very life of a petition.
“Secondly, a whole week after the purported filing and allegations raised publicly that no petition was filed, especially by the Social Democratic Party, the latter has not deemed it fit to put in the public domain valid evidence that it submitted any petition to the tribunal. At least there must have been acknowledgement documents or receipts or what is called counterpart copies given to the petitioners by the Election Petition Tribunal.
“We are of the opinion that, if the SDP had any of such documents, it would have displayed it publicly within minutes or hours of the allegations made against it by the whistle blower. Not doing that within reasonable time span, which should not be more than 12 hours after such serious allegations were raised against it, further raises credible suspicions as to question the veracity of any petition submitted within the constitutionally stipulated 21-day limit by SDP or any other Party for that matter on the Kogi State governorship election.
“To the best of our knowledge, in all of its public statements till date, the SDP has not shown any documentary evidence or proof of filing any petition within the window allowed by law. All it has been doing is to make counter allegations. We should ask whether the legal team of the SDP was also attacked by the armed hoodlums and their own copies or receipts relating to the petition were also stolen.
“Furthermore, it is somehow interesting to note that the three other political parties mentioned as having filed their own petitions, too, have remained noticeably silent on the incident whilst the SDP has been so vociferous, even assuming the position of spokesman for the tribunal’s secretary whom they claimed was allegedly ‘working’ on their petition when he was attacked.
“It is suspicious that it was after allegations of non filing of petition by the Parties that the alleged stealing of the petitions was reported. That would be a hard sell anywhere.”
The lawyers, however, threw up key questions:
“When did the SDP Governorship candidate pay for the filing of his petition? Where did he file it? At the secretariat of the Tribunal or the hotel room of the Tribunal Secretary?
“How come there was no display at the tribunal secretariat on the number of petitions filed before it was moved to Abuja?
“Is it procedurally permissible for the Tribunal’s Secretary to receive election petitions in his hotel room? How come only the SDP was aware of the alleged attack on the secretary and the one issuing statements in his defence?
“Where exactly did the Witnesses sign their statements on oath? Did they all physically sign before him and when?”
The lawyers challenged the Tribunal Secretary to show the whole world the receipt of the three other parties he claimed filed petitions.
“It does not serve the purpose of democracy or rule of law to try to supplant the fundamental tenets of justice by compromising set rules of engagement in an election.
“We wish to call on all relevant security agencies to leave no stone unturned in investigating and getting to the root of this laughable but serious incident,” they stated.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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