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Before They Begin Igbo Point-And-Kill In Lagos By Felix Oboagwina
Before They Begin Igbo Point-And-Kill In Lagos By Felix Oboagwina
April last year, I wrote an article, titled, “Didn’t Tinubu Just Goof On MC Oluomo?” The piece did a post-mortem on the crisis rocking the Lagos State chapter of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW). Long story short, Musiliu Akinsanya, alias “MC Oluomo,” was issued a query by the union’s national leadership, he refused to answer it and he was handed a suspension. Out of the blue, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu declared NURTW banned. In its place, they created the Lagos Parks and Garages Management Committee and appointed MC Oluomo to head it as Chairman. Those who know, know that Sanwo-Olu merely served as the hand of Esau carrying out the dictates of the godfather puppeteer, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. MC Oluomo is Tinubu’s strongman.
Lately, MC Oluomo’s pre-Governorship-Election message to the Igbo stock in Lagos became a social media virus. In it, the Tinubu-assisted tough-guy warns all Iya Chukwudis (all Igbo), “Vote APC or stay at home!” Simply put, should the South-Easterners fail to support APC, these attack dogs want to scare Igbo with a promise of Rwandan-style point-and-kill. It is a desperate message from a desperado whose desperate paymasters have read the handwriting on the wall from February 25, where they fell from their Olympian heights and lost Lagos to Peter Obi’s Elu-Pee. However, people like me saw the February 25 fall coming long ago.
In my April 2022 piece, I observed and warned: “As the Nigerian proverb says, ‘It is the foolish fly that gets buried with the corpse.’ Tinubu, in bailing out his embattled unionist godson may have succeeded in damaging his own ambition.” Could I have been more right?
Anywhere in Nigeria, where commercial transportation takes place, NURTW “full ground berekete.” So does its parent body, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). These are nationwide networks. Injury to one of them means injury to all. NURTW and NLC could be making Tinubu pay for robbing them of Lagos.
Apart from the MC Oluomo blunder, several others factors triggered the shock APC and Tinubu received in their traditional hold of Lagos and gave the lead instead to the Labour Party’s Peter Obi, on February 25. That February loss made them zero in on Obi’s Igbo kinsmen in Lagos. They think they have an Igbo problem they could solve through scare tactics. Perish the thought! It has nothing to do with Igbo people.
LAGOS-BORN WANT LAGOS
There is the “Omo Eko factor.” Aboriginal Lagosians from the Awori stock and the Saro Islanders, descendants of the freed slaves who returned to Lagos and Freetown in the dying days of the slave trade, these too want a shot at the throne too. Rallying around the likes of Chief Olabode George and General Tajudeen Olanrewaju, they have formed “Omo Eko Pataki,” dedicated to planting a trueborn, full-blooded Lagosian in Eko Roundhouse.
The dream the aboriginal Lagosians and Island Lagosians dream about ruling Lagos should make sense. They point out that unlike the likes of Rauf Aregbesola (Osun State), who, after a spell of meritorious service in Lagos, still headed back home to vie for state governorship positions, indigenous Lagosians have nowhere to go. Only godfather Tinubu knows why he shunned their yearnings since 1999. He paid dearly for it on February 25. It has nothing to do with Igbo people.
THE #EndSARS FACTOR
The 2020 anti-SARS protests against police brutality threw up leaders like Aisha Yesufu at the national level. In Lagos, from its angry embers rose the likes of the comedian Mr. Macaroni, the musician Eedris Abdulkareem and FALZ, the “Bahd Guy” musician son of quintessential Lagos lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN. The #EndSARS protests eventually became a symbol of youth resistance to constituted authority.
It is an understatement to say that Tinubu and Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu soiled their hands in the ugly episode, which started out as a peaceful protest. The Lekki Tollgate has today become a symbol of that epic struggle, Nigeria’s own version of China’s Tiananmen Square, a place of sorrows, tears and blood. Lekki Tollgate, a private concern run by LCCI, has its ownership traced to Tinubu. His son Deji owns the advert firm that runs advertisements atop and around the structure. On the D-Day, three things happened at Lekki Tollgate.
· CCTV cameras were removed.
· Lights were switched off.
· A killing squad of soldiers shot into the crowd of hyper-peaceful, flag-waving protestors.
Blood flowed. Corpses of Nigerian youth piled up. The Army whisked away the slain, denying them the decency of a burial. Who sent in the marines? Sanwo-Olu denies but the military insists he did. Those youngsters have been waiting to get their pound of flesh. These 2023 elections provide that chance. They have waited for this moment since October 20, 2020.
Fate only provided Peter Obi as the accidental rallying point. Is it by omission or design that Aisha Yesufu, a veritable symbol of the #EndSARS protests, is highly visible in the Obi’s LP campaigns?
This is payback time. For that desecration of the flower of their youth at Lekki, Benin, Ogbomosho, young Nigerians want their pound of flesh. And they are determined, mobilised and organised enough to get it. It has nothing to do with the Igbo.
ANTI-MEDIA POSTURING
Apart from TVC and The Nation newspapers that he owns, which media can Tinubu identify as friends and allies today? The likes of Arise TV and AIT have gone overboard to denigrate him, after they wooed him without success. So does AIT. They spend generous airtime to mock and disparage Tinubu and his party. Little wonder. Before and since June 2022 that he won the APC ticket, Tinubu shunned the several debates they organised for presidential contestants. What cockiness! This anti-media posturing, unfortunately encouraged by his publicists, has proved a damager.
Who remembers that pre-February 25 even Sanwo-Olu did not much campaigning in Lagos? Instead of running his own political business, he was minding Tinubu’s business –gallivanting all over Nigeria with his godfather. The electoral results of February has sent the poor guy running from mall to shops to churches to computer villages, doing photo ops like a jack-of-all-trades! It has little to do with the Igbo.
MUSLIM-MUSLIM TICKET
By the way, Sanwo-Olu blames their poor show on his godfather’s Muslim-Muslim ticket. And who says that formation would escape unscathed in a multi-religious country? Tinubu performed woefully in the Christian-dominated South-East, South-South, as it did in several Christian featuring states of the North? Ditto Lagos. It has nothing to do with the Igbo.
GODFATHER’S LIMITED TENURE
The governorship is a tenured office. You do your maximum term of eight years and quit the scene. Tinubu became Lagos Governor in 1999. He left office in 2007. Thereafter, he has remained the ultimate godfather of Lagos politics. From Babatunde Fashola, to Akinwunmi Ambode, to Babajide Sanwo-Olu, all Lagos governors have come under the control of this ultimate puppeteer. All local government and Legislature operatives are handpicked by him. The question is: Will Tinubu’s godfather tenure in Lagos last till death do them part? Or will die the natural death of Olusola Saraki in Kwara State, Orji Uzoh Kalu in Abia, Adams Oshiomhole of Edo, Jim Nwobodo in Enugu and James Ibori in Delta, all of whom have had their godfather influence extinguished? The law of diminishing return is a nature thing. It has nothing to do with the Igbo.
THE LOSS OF AFENIFERE
Egbe Afenifere singlehandedly made Tinubu in 1999. His romance with them has long lost its fire –forget the other day’s PR trip to Pa Reuben Fasoranti in Ondo. Today, that foremost Yoruba socio-political group backs Obi 100 percent. Without Afenifere’s pillar of support, it cannot be smooth sailing for the former Lagos Governor.
OBI AND THE IBO FACTOR
Yes, Peter Obi is a boy, an Igbo (or Ibo) boy. Therefore, the former Anambra State Governor will naturally command the support of his kith and kin. However, social media buffs have pointed out that if you drop Obi from LP and replace him with any other Igbo politician, like Orji Uzoh Kalu or Rochas Okorocha, they would abandon LP like hot potato. Obidents swing only in one direction, the Peter Obi direction.
Why Obi? Obi packs qualities that those other politicians lack. Like them, he served in public office, but his integrity rings loudly and deafeningly. Here is a man who has refused to allocate to himself post-service pecks and pecuniary, where his mates corner lifelong cars, cash and castles from the state coffers! He exudes capacity, competence and character. Those qualities make sweet music in Nigerians’ ears.
It has nothing to do with the Igbo people. Obi’s magic goes beyond Igbo backing. His votes in Lagos came majorly from non-Igbo voters. Go and verify.
Agreed that the garrulousness, bragging and verbosity of a minuscule few of Igbo loudmouths would not help matters, but not all Igbo proclaim Lagos as a NO-MAN’S-LAND that they want to TAKE OVER. Yoruba “indigenes” will fight anyone proclaiming that assumption.
However, one thing I know (since serving as Director twice in the Jimi Agbaje governorship campaigns of 2015 and 2019) is that the Tinubu political family dusts up this propaganda-blackmail every election cycle. Fela calls it “their regular trademark.” This Igbo-want-to-take-over-Lagos is a xenophobic slang they apply during every election. They spread the misinformation that the opposition wants to red-carpet and royalise the “Igbo strangers” in Lagos. They used it against Jimi Agbaje. They tried it with Jandor. Now they are bringing that piece of trash against Rhodes-Vivour, whose principal happens to be Igbo. They disguise the blackmail as a clarion call for Yoruba unity, irredentism and nationalism. By these satanic verses, they paint Tinubu’s clique as protectors of Yoruba interest and resisters of Igbo expansionism. Those who know Lagos politics know that the MC Oluomo-Tinubu group are lying. Unfortunately, however, the formula seems to work. Always.
(OBOAGWINA IS AN AUTHOR AND JOURNALIST, AND MAY BE REACHED VIA: [email protected])
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When Faith Becomes Fury: The Arrest That Exposed a Deadly Rift in Spiritual Leadership
When Faith Becomes Fury: The Arrest That Exposed a Deadly Rift in Spiritual Leadership
— A Report by George Omagbemi Sylvester
“How a Cleric’s Alleged Plot to Hire Cult Killers for a Rival Prophet Reveals Deeper Cracks in Religious Authority and Social Order.”
In a nation where faith can elevate leaders to positions of profound influence, a disturbing law enforcement action has exposed the darkest potential of spiritual rivalry. Recently in Bayelsa State, security operatives intervened to prevent an assassination rooted not in political ambition, but in the toxic collision between religious authority and violent underground networks. What unfolded is more than a sensational crime story. It is a stark indictment of leadership devoid of moral compass, a chilling warning about the weaponisation of faith for personal gain and a societal challenge that demands sober reflection and decisive action.
Operatives from the Special Weapons and Tactics Unit of the Bayelsa State Police Command arrested Pastor Elijah Oro, a clergyman originally from Delta State. Authorities allege that Oro contracted a young man embedded in a notorious criminal brotherhood. (known as the Greenlanders confraternity) to carry out a deadly mission against a rival prophet. The pastor and the alleged hitman were taken into custody after credible intelligence led police to foil what they believe was an imminent assassination attempt.
According to official statements, the clandestine plan stemmed from a dispute over church membership and property, a conflict that escalated beyond factional disagreement into a plot to extinguish a human life. Police spokespersons revealed that the suspect recruited to carry out the attack confessed membership in the Greenlanders confraternity upon arrest at the intended victim’s premises.
The very idea that a man of God could be accused of orchestrating murder to settle a spiritual rivalry is jarring. It challenges the fundamental expectation that religious leadership embodies peace, justice, and selfless service. As Dr. Mercy Adediran, a scholar of theology and ethics, explains, “Religious leadership carries with it an obligation to model higher moral character. Faith communities thrive when leaders prioritize reconciliation, not retribution. When those leaders abdicate moral responsibility, the entire fabric of trust unravels.” Adediran’s observation resonates far beyond the immediate case; it points to a systemic vulnerability where spiritual authority meets raw human ambition.
In many societies, faith leaders are entrusted with the spiritual wellbeing of entire communities. They are expected to counsel parishioners in matters of conscience, to guide the vulnerable toward ethical choices, and to wield influence responsibly. When leaders violate that trust (particularly through violence) the consequences ripple far beyond the courtroom. “Leadership is not merely a platform for personal influence,” notes Professor Kunle Oladipo, a sociologist specialising in religious movements. “It is a public trust. When that trust is weaponised for personal disputes, the damage to societal cohesion can be profound and long-lasting.”
This latest arrest is not an isolated anomaly. Across regions where criminal cults and confraternities have taken root, authorities continue to grapple with the unpredictable intersections of underground violence and mainstream society. In Bayelsa, recent history has included episodes of cult-related violence that left communities shaken. These clashes underline how easily organised criminal networks can entangle with broader community life, especially where economic hardship and youth unemployment leave gaps that illicit groups exploit.
Experts emphasise that the problem is not inherent to religious institutions, but arises when the moral authority invested in those institutions is misused. “The tragic irony,” states Dr. Adediran, “is that religious communities have the potential to be powerful agents for conflict resolution. Though when leaders themselves become embroiled in violence, it erodes the very foundation upon which faith stands.”
Law enforcement officials have underscored their commitment to protecting lives and preventing further escalation. Following the arrests, they urged the public to continue providing credible information that can aid in preserving peace and thwarting threats to public safety. The ongoing investigation seeks to clarify whether the alleged plot was an isolated attempt or part of a wider pattern involving third parties.
Beyond law enforcement, this incident raises vital questions about accountability within religious communities. How do congregations hold their leaders responsible when allegations of misconduct surface? What structures exist to ensure transparency in church governance and in the resolution of conflicts that arise within and between congregations? Since violence and criminality contradict the core teachings of mercy, compassion and stewardship that undergird most religious traditions, addressing such questions is not merely administrative; it is essential to preserving the moral legitimacy of spiritual leadership.
Prominent commentators in religious ethics remind us that power without accountability is a breeding ground for corruption. As Professor Oladipo points out, “Whenever influence is concentrated without appropriate checks, the risk of abuse escalates. Faith leaders are no exception. If anything, they require stronger ethical scrutiny precisely because of the profound impact they have on individuals’ lives and societal values.”
For everyday citizens (especially those who dedicate their lives to worship and community service) this story can be deeply unsettling. It forces a reckoning with uncomfortable truths about human nature, organisational structures, and the seductive lure of power. Yet it also offers an opportunity for collective reflection and reform. Civil society organisations, interfaith coalitions, and religious councils play indispensable roles in championing ethical standards and condemning violence unequivocally, regardless of the social status of those accused.
Religious institutions capable of self-critique and internal accountability can turn even this dark moment into a catalyst for renewal. “Reformation begins where there is courage to acknowledge faults,” says Dr. Adediran. “Communities must demand integrity from their leaders. Silence in the face of wrongdoing, especially by those claiming spiritual authority, only enables further harm.”
As the legal process unfolds, the accused remain subjects of ongoing police investigation. In the court of public opinion and within the court of conscience, the allegations have already sparked intense debate about the moral responsibilities of those who claim to speak for the divine.
This case stands as a sobering reminder: when spiritual leadership is co-opted for personal vendettas or political influence, the consequences can tear at the core of communal trust. When faith is misused to cloak violent intent, the very foundations of moral authority are undermined. Yet, in confronting these failings head-on, society affirms a deeper commitment to justice, compassion and the right to life, values that transcend the boundaries of creed and culture.
In a world rife with conflict and competition, religious leaders must be held to the highest ethical standards precisely because their influence shapes the hearts and minds of many. When that influence turns violent, it diminishes all of us. The arrest in Bayelsa should provoke not only legal scrutiny but also profound introspection on how communities select, empower and hold accountable those who claim to lead them spiritually.
What happened here is more than a crime story. It is a mirror reflecting the stakes of moral leadership in any society claiming to value the sanctity of life, the rule of law and the dignity of every human being.
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How Policy Flip-Flops Are Making Nigerians Poorer
How Policy Flip-Flops Are Making Nigerians Poorer
By Blaise Udunze
Nigeria’s deepening poverty crisis is no longer speculative; it is now statistically inevitable. Although the latest Consumer Price Index figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) suggest that headline inflation is cooling and growth indicators show tentative improvement, regrettably, more Nigerians are slipping below the poverty line. Reviewing the recent projections from PwC’s Nigeria Economic Outlook 2026, it is alarming, which reveals that no fewer than two million additional Nigerians are expected to fall into poverty next year. This is expected to push the total number of poor people to about 141 million, roughly 62 percent of the population and the highest level ever recorded in the country’s history.
This grim outlook persists despite eight consecutive months of easing inflation and modest economic recovery, and as one can perceive, the contradiction is telling. The fact remains that macroeconomic signals are improving on paper, yet lived reality continues to deteriorate. It is glaring that the widening gap between policy metrics and human outcomes exposes a deeper truth in the sense that Nigeria’s poverty crisis is not simply the product of external shocks or temporary adjustment pains. It is the cumulative result of fragile policymaking, inconsistent reforms, weak institutional coordination, and a failure to sequence economic changes with adequate social protection. With these, it becomes clearer that poverty in Nigeria is no longer an unintended side effect of reform; it is increasingly its most visible outcome as identified today.
It would be recalled that the current administration in 2023, when it assumed office, promised a bold economic reset. At this point, the nation witnessed the fuel subsidy removal, exchange-rate liberalisation, and tighter fiscal discipline being introduced swiftly and applauded internationally for their courage and long-term logic. Notably, these reforms unleashed an economic storm whose aftershocks continue to batter households and currently resulting to the cost of a bag of rice that sold for about N35,000 two years ago now costs between N65,000 and N80,000, while a crate of eggs has risen from N1,200 to over N6,000 and basic staples like garri, tomatoes, and pepper have drifted beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians. For millions, the economy did not reset; it snapped.
Inflation, often described by economists as a “silent tax,” has punished productivity, mocked thrift, and rewarded speculation.
Reports from the NBS’s December 2025 disclosed that headline inflation eased to 15.15 percent and according to it, this is due to a rebasing of the Consumer Price Index, down sharply from 34.8 percent a year earlier, this statistical moderation has brought little relief to households. Food inflation, at 10.84 percent year-on-year, and a marginal month-on-month decline may look reassuring on spreadsheets, but for families spending 70 to 80 percent of their income on food, such figures feel detached from reality. These figures are not only implausible but also insulting to those whose lives have been torn apart by the skyrocketing prices. With the realities facing the larger populace, Nigeria must be using another mathematics.
Nigeria may have changed its base year, but it has not changed the harsh arithmetic of survival.
PwC’s data underscores this disconnect, as nominal household spending rose by nearly 20 percent in 2025, real household spending contracted by 2.5 percent, reflecting the erosive impact of rising food, transport, and energy costs. The painful part of it, is that Nigerians are spending more money to consume less, and this is to say that growth, hovering around 4 percent, is not strong enough to absorb shocks or lift households meaningfully. As analysts note, Nigeria would require sustained growth of 7 to 9 percent to make a significant dent in poverty. That is to say that anything less merely slows the descent.
The structural weakness of the economy is compounded by policy inconsistency. Nigeria’s economic landscape is littered with abrupt shifts, subsidy removals without buffers, currency reforms without stabilisation mechanisms and trade policies that oscillate between restriction and openness. For households and small businesses, which employ most Nigerians, this unpredictability makes planning impossible. The economy has constantly being faced with price volatility, income shocks, and lost jobs because these are the ripple effects of every policy reversal. Uncertainty itself has become a poverty multiplier.
Nowhere is this fragility more evident than in food systems and rural livelihoods, and this has been where insecurity has merged with policy failure to create a new poverty spiral. Across farmlands in the North and Middle Belt, crops rot unharvested as banditry and insurgency force farmers off their land. Nigeria’s largely agrarian economy has been crippled by violence that disrupts planting cycles, destroys infrastructure, and displaces communities. The result is both income poverty for farmers denied access to their livelihoods and food inflation that erodes purchasing power nationwide.
For record purposes, earlier last year, the NBS Multidimensional Poverty Index showed that 63 percent of Nigerians, about 133 million people, are multidimensionally poor, with poverty heavily concentrated in insecure regions. Findings showed that about 86 million of the poor live in the North, and this is where insecurity is most severe. This record showed that rural poverty stands at 72 percent,c compared to 42 percent in urban areas, and while the states most affected by banditry and insurgency record poverty rates as high as 91 percent. Insecurity is no longer just a security problem; it is one of Nigeria’s most powerful poverty drivers.
The economic cost of insecurity in Nigeria today is staggering. This is because the conservative estimates suggest Nigeria loses about $15 billion annually, which is roughly equivalent to N20 trillion, due to insecurity-induced disruptions across agriculture, trade, manufacturing, and transportation. At the same time, security spending now consumes up to a quarter of the federal budget. In just three years, over N4 trillion has been spent on security, which crowded out investment in health, education, power, and infrastructure. Every naira spent managing perpetual violence is a naira not invested in preventing poverty, even as poverty deepens, the state’s fiscal response reveals a troubling misalignment of priorities. The 2026 federal budget, estimated at N58.47 trillion, ironically allocates just N206.5 billion to projects directly tagged as poverty alleviation and this only amounts to about 0.35 percent of total spending and less than one percent of the capital budget. In a country where over 60 percent of citizens live below the poverty line, this allocation borders on policy negligence.
Worse still, over 96 percent of this already meagre poverty envelope sits under the Service Wide Vote through the National Poverty Reduction with Growth Strategy, largely as recurrent provisions. All ministries, departments, and agencies combined account for barely N6.5 billion in poverty-related projects. This fragmentation reflects a deeper institutional failure, that is to say, poverty reduction exists more as a line item than as a coherent national mission.
Where MDA-level interventions exist, they are largely palliative and scattered, grain distribution in select communities, tricycles and motorcycles for empowerment, and small scale skills acquisition for women and youths. The largest such project, a N2.87 billion tricycle and motorcycle scheme under a federal cooperative college, accounts for nearly half of all MDA-based poverty spending. The fact remains that the various interventions may offer temporary relief, and they do little to address structural drivers of poverty such as job creation, productivity, market access and human capital development.
Even the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation illustrates the problem just as its budget jumped sharply in 2026, much of the increase went into administrative and capital items, office furniture, equipment, international travel, retreats, and systems automation rather than direct poverty-fighting programmes. This reflects a familiar Nigerian paradox: institutions grow, but impact shrinks.
International partners have been blunt in their assessments. The World Bank estimates that Nigeria spends just 0.14 percent of GDP on social protection, which is far below the global and regional averages. Only 44 percent of safety-net benefits actually reach the poor, rendering the system inefficient and largely ineffective. PwC similarly warns that without targeted job creation, productivity-focused reforms, and effective social protection, poverty will continue to rise, undermining domestic consumption and straining public finances further.
Fiscal fragility compounds the crisis. The N58.18 trillion 2026 budget carries a deficit of N23.85 trillion, with debt servicing projected at N15.52 trillion, nearly half of expected revenue. The public debt has ballooned to over N152 trillion. The contradiction here is that Nigeria is borrowing not to expand productive capacity but to keep the machinery of government running. The truth is not far-fetched because, as debt crowds out development spending, households are forced to pay privately for public goods, education, healthcare, water, deepening inequality and entrenching poverty across generations.
To be clear, not all signals are negative. This is because opportunities exist if reforms are sustained and properly sequenced. Regional trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area could diversify exports and create jobs. But reform momentum without inclusion and institutional capacity risks becoming another missed opportunity.
This is the central tragedy of Nigeria’s moment. The country is attempting necessary reforms in an environment of weak buffers, fragile institutions, and low trust. Poverty is therefore not accidental. It is the predictable outcome of inconsistency, reforms without protection, stabilisation without security, and budgets without people.
Nigeria faces an undeniable choice. It can continue down a path where fragile policies deepen deprivation and erode trust, or it can build a disciplined, coordinated framework that aligns reforms with social protection, security, and inclusive growth. Poverty is not destiny. But escaping it requires more than courage in reform announcements; it demands consistency, compassion, and the political will to place human welfare at the centre of economic strategy.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
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Dr. Chris Okafor: A Philanthropist Par Excellence and a Man of Prayer
Dr. Chris Okafor: A Philanthropist Par Excellence and a Man of Prayer
By Sunday Adeyemi, Society Herald
One constant in human life is change. However, when it comes to the daily life and ministry of renowned Nigerian clergyman and Senior Pastor of Grace Nation International, also known as Liberation City, Dr. Chris Okafor, one attribute remains unwavering—his deep and uncompromising devotion to prayer.
Dr. Okafor is a man whose life revolves entirely around prayer. He prays while living, eating, traveling, and ministering. Remarkably, except during church services or official engagements, he devotes an average of eight to ten hours daily to prayer. This disciplined prayer life forms the bedrock of his ministry and has been the guiding principle through which he overcomes challenges and continues to thrive. Indeed, he prays as though there is no tomorrow.
Those who associate closely with him understand that prayer is non-negotiable in his life. For members of Grace Nation worldwide, prayer is not merely encouraged—it is a way of life. Grace Nation citizens are known for their strong prayer culture, as prayer remains their primary spiritual weapon. As scripture affirms, prayer has the power to turn unexpected challenges into testimonies and breakthroughs.
Returning to the Set Man of Grace Nation Worldwide, Dr. Chris Okafor is widely acknowledged as a dedicated prayer warrior. His lifestyle of prayer has been affirmed repeatedly by fellow men of God who have encountered him personally.
One of his closest covenant brothers recently shared a testimony during a flagship Grace Nation conference in Lagos.
He recounted traveling with Dr. Okafor to the United States for a major conference. On the morning of the event, after preparing to depart early, he knocked on Dr. Okafor’s door—only to discover that the Generational Prophet was still deeply engaged in prayer. When the door was eventually opened, Dr. Okafor explained that he was preparing spiritually ahead of the conference. The covenant brother described the experience as a clear demonstration of an uncommon prayer life.
Another testimony came from Pastor Wilfred, the South Africa branch pastor of Grace Nation. He described Dr. Okafor as a man who never compromises prayer regardless of circumstances. According to him, even while traveling, Dr. Okafor prioritizes prayer over rest. He narrated a particular experience in South Africa where Dr. Okafor was scheduled to minister at 9:00 a.m. The previous night, Pastor Wilfred left him early to allow him to rest. However, repeated calls went unanswered as Dr. Okafor had already commenced prayer.
The following morning, upon arriving to pick him up, Pastor Wilfred heard prayers from behind the door. After waiting for over an hour, he joined in the prayers. It was only after several more hours that Dr. Okafor opened the door—having not slept throughout the night. Such accounts underscore his unwavering commitment to prayer, earning him the reputation among his peers as a true prayer warrior.
Dr. Okafor’s prayer life has also resulted in numerous testimonies. Many attest that while praying, God speaks to him directly, providing divine direction and intervention. There have been accounts of miraculous breakthroughs through prayers conducted over the phone and even across distances.
In one instance, a woman who had been in labor for over three hours contacted Dr. Okafor, who prayed for her, and she delivered immediately.
In another testimony, a man who had been kidnapped for 80 days was released without ransom after Dr. Okafor prayed. Similarly, a young man who had been wrongly detained for nearly four years was freed the same day Dr. Okafor prayed concerning his case. The matter was reviewed, leading to his release and compensation for wrongful detention.
Beyond prayer, Dr. Chris Okafor’s life of philanthropy continues to leave an indelible mark on society. In Part One of this series, attention was drawn to his immense humanitarian efforts through the Chris Okafor Humanity Foundation, particularly in supporting widows, providing scholarships for the less privileged, and transforming the host community of Grace Nation International Headquarters in Lagos.
In Part Two, focus will be placed on his contributions to youth talent discovery—especially in sports—artisan empowerment, support for victims of xenophobic attacks in South Africa, and sustained monthly outreach to homes of the less privileged in Lagos.
Dr. Okafor’s philanthropic vision transcends human imagination. One of his core missions is to deliver people from the grip of darkness and empower them to become productive individuals within society. This vision is actively pursued through the Chris Okafor Humanity Foundation, which operates both locally and internationally.
During the xenophobic crisis in South Africa, Dr. Okafor personally traveled to Johannesburg to console and encourage Nigerian victims. Through his foundation, millions of naira were donated to support medical treatment and rehabilitation—an act of compassion worthy of emulation.
The foundation has also invested significantly in youth development through Liberation City FC, discovering and nurturing football talents. To date, more than five players trained by the foundation are currently plying their trade with major football clubs abroad.
Artisan empowerment remains another major achievement. Over 2,000 artisans have been trained in various skills, including bead-making, barbing, hairdressing, tailoring, and beverage production. After training, beneficiaries are provided with start-up capital to establish their businesses.
Additionally, the foundation conducts monthly outreach to communities of physically challenged individuals in the Yaba area of Lagos State, providing food supplies and educational scholarships for their children, alongside spiritual support through prayer.
The list of impactful interventions by the Chris Okafor Humanity Foundation is extensive and continually growing.
In Part Three of this series, we will examine the factors behind the sustained growth and resilience of Grace Nation and the Chris Okafor Humanity Foundation in the face of diverse challenges.
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