celebrity radar - gossips
BODE GEORGE THE UNREPENTANT CON ARTIST BY KAREEM ADEDUNTAN
Events of the past few weeks have been tumultuous. Unfortunate things have happened. Lives have been lost. Property damaged. Essential institutions such as the police force and army are under justifiable scrutiny. Protests call for needed reform. Taking advantage of the situation, less noble actors have pressed forward, either to steal the hard-earned property of others or to prosecute selfish political objectives not germane to the protests at hand.
Even with many people taking undue license to press cases that would otherwise be tossed from the court of public opinion, one would think certain people would keep their mouths shut and hide their pens even during this period. Bode George is one such person. In commenting on the protests and trying to fault Bola Tinubu for every human imperfection ranging from the original sin in the Garden of Eden to the cost of tomatoes in the local market, George is either one of the world’s most bulbous hypocrites or the victim of the worst bout of amnesia ever recorded in the journals of medical science. In that this gruff, indelicate man well remembers the sound of his own name and responds to the ruffle of fresh naira with the pounce of a hungry jackal, one may fairly assume that his particular diathesis points more to the former moral decrepitude than to any medical infirmity that might affect his memory.
In his recent article published by NEW DAWN entitled “Lagos State THE Anger, The Rage”, Bode George huffs and puffs in contrived indignation at recent events in Lagos. He misrepresents himself as a storm for change and justice. He is nothing of the sort. For all of his blowing and the grand noise he thinks himself to make, he barely manufactures an audible moment. He is but a rickety, broken tea kettle trying futilely with all its waning might to bring a tiny pot of water to boil.
Try as it might, the rickety kettle is unstable and cannot hold itself upright. In the end, the only noteworthy sound it can muster is the sound of its falling to the floor after toppling from the counter top.
Inept as he is loquacious, the former naval commander, once again, has proven that he cannot successfully navigate a toy boat from one end of a bathtub to the other. He would make a wreck of even this simple assignment. Everything he has touched ends up being worse off, if not in complete ruins, than when he first happened upon it. His coming into a room is a cause for sorrow and his exit a cue for celebration. The man is an albatross around his own neck.
Yet, he had the audacity to write that all conscientious men must stand with the righteous at this hour and the he had “chosen to identify with the voiceless…” It seems that George discovered morality a bit late in the game of life and over a decade after the time when even a fiber of morality on his part would have amounted to something. George squeals about the deaths and destruction that have occurred in Lagos and then lays the trouble at the foot of one man who happens to be his political nemesis. Such as assignment of guilt by George is based on political convenience and con games rather than fact. George says Tinubu has questions to answer about the incident at Lekki but he offers no proof as to why Tinubu should be on the spot.
If George were really interested in justice, how come he did not jump at his master Obasanjo when the latter was commander in chief? As commander in chief, Obasanjo presided over the slaughter of several hundreds and perhaps thousands of unarmed innocent men, women and children in separate incidents in Zaki Biam and Odi. In each case, people were burned alive in their homes or dragged away and butchered. George voiced no indignation at these large massacres although they cost a hundred fold more lives than even all the precious lives lost everywhere in Lagos, not just Lekki during this period. Unjust death anywhere is a tragedy and must be condemned. But George’s background tells us that he is not crying because he cares about those who died or were wounded during events in Lagos but because the moment conveniently serves his political interest.
If he had morality, he would have chastised Obasanjo for killing innocent women and children and ransacking whole towns. Instead, George kept publicly quiet while in private endorsing the carnage set down by his boss who would eventually reveal himself to be a turncoat friend and master who would shuffled George off to prison. George talks of people being brought before the ICC in the Hague for what has happened in Lagos. His lawyer should advise him to be circumspect. Should some diligent human rights attorney take a good look at his role in the Obasanjo government and his endorsement of the confirmed large-scale massacres at Zaki Biam and Odi, that lawyer might take a very keen interest in Mr. George. George would surely quake in his boots upon finding on his doorstep one morning a mysterious brochure saying that he just won an all-expenses paid holiday to the Hague.
George is infamous for his meanness of personality and mercenary outlook toward policy – give him an official position and he will do any number of ugly things to keep it. In his writing, he called himself a elder statesman. However, one cannot award that title to oneself. It must be earned not unilaterally expropriated lest it be taken away by those who can rightly bestow it. George is no more a statesman than a mosquito is an eagle.
George claims Lagos to be an awful place yet he still lives here even after vowing to move away forever should the APC win the 2019 election. George will not move because, deep in his heart, he knows Lagos is the best that Nigeria has. It is the best not because of anything George did. It is the best despite George for he tried to thwart every major constructive initiative the state’s progressive governors have attempted since 1999.
George has the nerve to lament about the poor state of infrastructure and blame Tinubu and others. George drips with a double dose of highly toxic hypocrisy here. George well knows he encouraged Obasanjo to illegally withhold Lagos state funds when Tinubu was governor. George did this because he was afraid Tinubu would gain political support if allowed access to those funds to do projects in the state. Thus, George cared nothing that his antics might hurt Lagosians. He is captained by the perverse logic that rules all people who crave public office but are inherently unfit for the roles they seek. He believes the best way for him to gain the support of the people is to make them suffer. This is the way his mind worked then and the manner it malfunctions now. He is more interested in inveigling support than in duly enhancing the public welfare.
As governor, Tinubu brought power generator barges to Lagos to provide 300MW of power to the state and give residents and businesses more, cheaper power. What did George do? He did not applaud the initiative as a boon for Lagosians. He connived with Obasanjo to stop this. Again, he decided that he would rather see Lagosians suffer than Tinubu succeed at doing something new and needed for the people
Like he did in the past, George today is happy about the events that have befallen Lagos. He only feigns concern. He now is possessed of that cruel happiness that specially effects the mean at heart. They are only truly happy when misfortune comes to others. George now gloats the evildoer’s gloat and dances the wicked man’s dance. He is in this deformed way because he knows he cannot gain political traction by outperforming anyone. He cannot win by doing something positive because there is essentially noting positive in him. He is a bundle of negative impulses and actions. Thus, his only avenue of political pleasure and success is to tear down that which others have built. George is a breaker not maker of things.
His career has been monstrous. As military governor in Ondo, he was known to be corrupt to the utmost. He plundered the state’s treasury describing himself, by way of explanation, as a ‘Lagos Boy’ – giving the state a bad name. There was no part of the state treasure his sticky hand did not explore. As NPA chairman, he allowed the port to deteriorate. He is thus partly responsible for the economic bottleneck that is the port and all the harm and higher costs it brings to us. Worse, he was caught artificially segmenting large contracts into smaller ones so as to bypass procurement requirements and oversight. In this manner, he bilked the nation much like he did Ondo state as its governor. If nothing else, one can say that as a thief he has shown remarkable consistency if a coarseness of approach that always seems to get him caught.
As an operative of the PDP in Lagos and the SW, he has been the APC’s best friend for the division and antipathy he foments within his own party makes him one of the APC’s top recruiters.
Last, there is not a truly original thought that ever came from him. Toward the end of his piece, he asserts that the Lekki toll gate should be closed. George is a day late like most plagiarizers are. Tinubu made a similar recommendation the day before. George would not have made his copycat gesture but for having read Tinubu’s earlier statement.
Like the thief he is, George steals someone’s idea then foments hate against the other man for having had the idea first.
George is not a leader, a statesman or a visionary. His is a criminal mind and a cold hearted and an amoral personality. Bode, don’t forget there are still people old enough to remember where you are truly from.
At the end of the statement, George signs off “CON.” For most people that would mean Commander of the Niger. Yet, to get the perfect description of him, one must simply use this word before writing the word “artist” who can’t even identify the grave of his father in Ogun State… WHAT A “LAGOSIAN”.
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.
Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.
No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
celebrity radar - gossips
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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