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BOLAJI AKINYEMI: A HYPOCRITICAL TOOL OF ATTACK AGAINST CHIEF FEMI FANI-KAYODE (FFK) By Rev. Emmanuel Olorunmagba

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I want to start this essay by quoting Barr Akin Ajose-Adeogun, a lawyer and a historian in a short piece he titled, “AKINYEMI’S FOLLY: The Politics of Bitterness and Hatred.”

Barr Akin wrote:

“The author (Bolaji Akinyemi) reminds me of Mr Femi Aribisala who similarly took the opportunity of an article by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode to trash his late father.

“Reading through the inverted logic and reasoning – if it may be so dignified – of the author, it is impossible not to come away with impression that the author’s vitriolic attack on Fani-Kayode is more revealing of him than it is of his quarry, in as much as it portrays him as a rather small-minded, malicious and emotionally and mentally immature little man with a chip on the shoulder.

“How else can one rationalise an argument that bases a charge of treachery on the fact that Fani-Kayode has friends in the North – as if friendship with some Northerners and opposition to politics of the ruling class in the North are mutually exclusive – and was decent enough to eulogise one of them on the occasion of his death, even if they belonged to different political parties and did not share the same political philosophy.

“Neither Chiefs Fani-Kayode, Akin Osuntokun nor Obasanjo have ever severed their ties in the North because of their opposition to any aspect of the Northern point of view on any issue. And rightly so, because their opposition is neither a personal thing nor a hatred of the North, but one based on principle.

“It is this simple lesson in humanity, generosity of spirit, maturity and good breeding that the author, who appears to excel in the cheap score, has completely failed to comprehend.”

  • Akin A. Ajose-Adeogun

Reading through the essay written by one Bolaji O. Akinyemi it takes wisdom to see him as he is, which is a hypocrite pretending to be speaking for Christians and the Yoruba nation. Only people with discerning mind will see his essay as a work of a traitor carrying out the assignment of his paymasters, who have been looking for any opportunity drag Chief Femi Fani-Kayode (the last man standing) on the ground.

But, he is not up to the task. In fact, Chief Olufemi Fani-Kayode (FFK) will not read his essay even if it gets to where he can see it, let alone dignifying him with response. In as much as Chief FFK will not give him any kind of attention, those of us that know Chief FFK will respond to his pretentiousness.

Because I was so dumbfounded to read that some people even fell for his pranks, no minding the fact that FFK has been at the forefront of the battle to rescue our beloved country though his life, family and finance have been threatened on several occasions. And I asked myself, “who is bewitching Nigerians that they can be easily swayed to point their daneguns at the back of a man that is risking all to be at the forefront of the war at the risk of his life.

Bolaji must be seriously working for some paymasters who want to provoke FFK to become silence like others. A man that has done so much for Nigerians especially the people from the south and an unknown miscreant suddenly rose up to turn start attacking and some people join his to repay FFK, evil for his good.

There is need to clearly establish the following points:

  1. That there are friendships that have become like brotherhood that political divide cannot separate. For instance, my good friend that I call brother, Engr Said Uba (a Muslim) has left PDP for APC, but till I am typing this essay, we still relate like siblings not just as friend, yet he is a Muslim and I am a Christian and we are in different parties. Many of our people in PDP have attacked him since he left the party, but I know some things about him that many of them don’t know, and I can categorically and fundamentally assert that despite that Engr Said has attacked my party on different occasions and our people have attacked him, he (Engr Said) is still a good man to me and I have not seen anything that will change my mind about his person as an individual because I know many things about him beyond the surface that others don’t know. Therefore it takes a fool to misinterpret my personal relationship with Engr Said to mean that I am a betraying the masses. Chief FFK has said he knows some things about the late Abba Kyari that many people don’t know. Even from the tweet of Senator Shehu Sani and Kemi Olunloyo one will realise that they also know what some of us don’t know about him.
  2. If FFK has not backtracked having suffered under this government (including but not limited to freezing his accounts, harassing him and his family, laying siege around his house for 8 hours, arresting and detaining his wife with his two years old son) yet this fearless man is still boldly roaring like a lion, then it takes simple common sense to know that such a man should not be misinterpreted because of his tribute to his late friend of 40 years. If not for the interest of the masses does he owe anyone such solidarity? Are there not many people who are keeping quiet in the face of the tyranny in this country, how many of them have you people attacked for saying nothing? If he refuses to speak out can any of those attacking, hold him down? Well, I wouldn’t blame those who are keeping quiet, because they believe that it doesn’t worth fighting for the people that will be shooting arrows at you from rear while you are risking your liberty fighting.
  3. Except I am missing something, I have never for once heard that anyone in the name of Bolaji O. Akinyemi ever attacked this APC regime or any individual in APC. In fact, it was when I saw his essay yesterday that I ever heard that his name for the first time (Though I used to know Prof Bolaji Akinyemi who is a different person). After reading his essay yesterday, I wanted to know his antecedent in this fight that many of us have risked our freedom to engage in for the interest of Nigerians, so I kept searching facebook; no account could be linked to him as his account. I searched Twitter, I could not pin down any Twitter handle to his credit. Then I told some people to also search, nobody could find any account he owns either on Facebook or Twitter. Even Google only brought out Prof Bolaji Akinyemi (a different person). We only saw the essay of this Bolaji on Google and we later saw the response of one Dele Ajibade who appears to know him down to his family and who exposes him.

Therefore, the question to those who are dancing around his hypocritical essay is “WHO IS BOLAJI AKINYEMI IN THE BATTLE MANY OF US ARE RISKING EVERYTHING AROUND US TO FIGHT?”

  1. That a traitor, hypocrite and a nobody suddenly rose up to attack FFK that has canvassed different parts of this country even in the north (Plateau State, Kaduna State etc) to fearlessly speak against the oppressed of defenseless,yet some gullible people fell for his pranks: this speaks volume of why the wrong people kept getting to the seat of power in Nigeria. And funny enough, the same Bolaji has been exposed as ‘a mere attention seeking NONENTITY’ and ‘a disconnected protege of Mallam Nasiru El-Rufai and Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu.’ who ‘in his article eulogising Former President Ibrahim Babangida IBB, he (Bolaji) turned to also expressed his admiration for El-Rufai, describing him as a round peg in round hole, who restored Abuja by exerting “so much zeal”, but by the exit of El-Rufai it “has fallen back to it’s jungle state of pre-El-Rufai.” He further added that if a former governor of Lagos State (Tinubu) is made FCT Minister he is sure that “the splendour of Abuja will be restored…”‘ (Direct quotation from Mr. Dele Ajibade’s response who appears to know him well). So is it a protege of Tinubu and El-Rufai that will now attack FFK and sensible people will follow him? I mean someone that has written open letter to both Buhari and Osinbajo on how he can connive to bring RUGA in hypocritical style to Lagos State and Kogi State amongst other states, if not that his open letter could not get to them. We should know better…
  2. Are those attacking FFK insinuating that he has no right to write tribute (like others did) on his friend of 40 years that died? A man that was his school mate and that they worked together in his father’s Chamber. It’s so senseless and too childish for anyone to attack FFK just because he paid tribute to his friend from another party. Anyone with common sense will know that no political devide can end 40 years friendship except if they have personal unresolvable crises.
  3. Out of many other people including PDP leaders and serving PDP governors and president of many countries that also wrote inspiring tributes on Mallam Abba Kyari, why do some people focus only on Chief Femi Fani-Kayode for attack? Obviously such attack must be politically motivated, but funny enough some gullible Nigerians are falling for the prank to shoot arrows at the vocal voice that has been speaking boldly ever since.

Among those that sent inspiring tributes to the Presidency over the death of Mallam Abba Kyari are: Gov. Samuel Ortom (PDP) of Benue State, Gov Okezie Ikpeazu (PDP) of Abia State, Gov Ben Ayade (PDP) of Cross Rivers State, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan (GEJ), Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ), Mr. Anyim Pius Anyim, Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina. Other international leaders include: Mr. Emeka Anyaoku (Former Common Wealth Secretary General), president of the following countries; Liberia, Guinea Bissau, Republic of Benin, Guinea Conakry; leaders of other countries too poured in tributes from Japan, Congo, Libya, Mauritania etc.

In conclusion, another person who said he knows the Bolaji said, “The author is typical of his ilk: small-minded, socially insecure, malicious and seething with the resentment.

“He always say crap things, we used to be in the same platform, he was chased out and due to his treachery he was been lock up at a police station by Chief Kenny Martins on the allegation of cheap blackmail.”

Therefore, I conclude that if the basis of his charge of treachery is that Chief FFK is not, in addition to opposing their politics, an enemy of every Northerner in government, then he is exceedingly emotionally and mentally immature, and excels only in the cheap score.

TRIBUTE FROM TWO PDP GOVERNORS
I will not end this essay without quoting just two of the tributes from two PDP Governors. Before you say it’s not true, check Femi Adesina’s Facebook page, I copied the following from his Facebook


In his tribute to late Abba Kyari, Governor Ben Ayade of Cross River said,
“We have lost a great statesman, a consummate professional, and an exceptionally brilliant mind. Our nation has lost one of its best,” the governor said in a statement.

According to him, Kyari was a patriotic statesman who was diligent and meticulous, uncommonly accommodating, and a great listener who was ever receptive to anyone who came across him.

“My heart and prayers are with the family at this very difficult moment. I pray for the repose of Mallam Kyari’s soul,” Governor Ayade added.

On his part, Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, sent condolences to the President on behalf of the government and people of the state.

He said the demise of a loved one such as a trusted aide can be devastating, noting that death was an inevitable end for which mankind must prepare at all times.

Governor Ortom also extended his sympathies to the Kyari family and prayed that God would grant the late Chief of Staff eternal rest.

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NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

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NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

 

The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria

1. Introduction & Rationale

The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.

Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.

The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.

This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.

2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?

The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.

Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.

Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:

In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.

In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.

These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.

The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.

3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion

Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.

After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.

Other patterns of exclusion include:

Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states

Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones

Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens

Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices

These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.

4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People

The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.

From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.

One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.

Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”

Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.

Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.

In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.

Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.

The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.

Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria

5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency

Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.

The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.

A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.

Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.

Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.

Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.

Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.

The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.

Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.

Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.

The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.

It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora

Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.

Notable examples include:

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership

Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing

Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions

The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.

7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP

Vision

A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.

Mission

To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.

Core Values

Peaceful Advocacy

Civic Empowerment

Equity and Fairness

Inclusivity

Democratic Participation

8. Strategic Objectives

Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.

Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.

Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.

Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.

Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.

Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.

9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes

To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:

A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)

A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.

B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)

A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.

C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme

Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.

D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)

To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.

E. Research & Policy Development Wing

A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.

F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project

This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.

10. Organisation & Structure of IPP

The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:

The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.

Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.

National Executive Committee – National leadership team.

International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.

Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.

Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.

Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.

11. Call to Action

This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.

By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.

Our Tomorrow Starts Today!

SIGNED

HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance

 

LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.

Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.

“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.

The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.

The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.

The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.

The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.

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Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development

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Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development

 

The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.

Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.

Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.

During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.

Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.

In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.

Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.

“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.

The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.

In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.

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