Politics
BOLAJI AKINYEMI: A HYPOCRITICAL TOOL OF ATTACK AGAINST CHIEF FEMI FANI-KAYODE (FFK) By Rev. Emmanuel Olorunmagba
I want to start this essay by quoting Barr Akin Ajose-Adeogun, a lawyer and a historian in a short piece he titled, “AKINYEMI’S FOLLY: The Politics of Bitterness and Hatred.”
Barr Akin wrote:
“The author (Bolaji Akinyemi) reminds me of Mr Femi Aribisala who similarly took the opportunity of an article by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode to trash his late father.
“Reading through the inverted logic and reasoning – if it may be so dignified – of the author, it is impossible not to come away with impression that the author’s vitriolic attack on Fani-Kayode is more revealing of him than it is of his quarry, in as much as it portrays him as a rather small-minded, malicious and emotionally and mentally immature little man with a chip on the shoulder.
“How else can one rationalise an argument that bases a charge of treachery on the fact that Fani-Kayode has friends in the North – as if friendship with some Northerners and opposition to politics of the ruling class in the North are mutually exclusive – and was decent enough to eulogise one of them on the occasion of his death, even if they belonged to different political parties and did not share the same political philosophy.
“Neither Chiefs Fani-Kayode, Akin Osuntokun nor Obasanjo have ever severed their ties in the North because of their opposition to any aspect of the Northern point of view on any issue. And rightly so, because their opposition is neither a personal thing nor a hatred of the North, but one based on principle.
“It is this simple lesson in humanity, generosity of spirit, maturity and good breeding that the author, who appears to excel in the cheap score, has completely failed to comprehend.”
- Akin A. Ajose-Adeogun
Reading through the essay written by one Bolaji O. Akinyemi it takes wisdom to see him as he is, which is a hypocrite pretending to be speaking for Christians and the Yoruba nation. Only people with discerning mind will see his essay as a work of a traitor carrying out the assignment of his paymasters, who have been looking for any opportunity drag Chief Femi Fani-Kayode (the last man standing) on the ground.
But, he is not up to the task. In fact, Chief Olufemi Fani-Kayode (FFK) will not read his essay even if it gets to where he can see it, let alone dignifying him with response. In as much as Chief FFK will not give him any kind of attention, those of us that know Chief FFK will respond to his pretentiousness.
Because I was so dumbfounded to read that some people even fell for his pranks, no minding the fact that FFK has been at the forefront of the battle to rescue our beloved country though his life, family and finance have been threatened on several occasions. And I asked myself, “who is bewitching Nigerians that they can be easily swayed to point their daneguns at the back of a man that is risking all to be at the forefront of the war at the risk of his life.
Bolaji must be seriously working for some paymasters who want to provoke FFK to become silence like others. A man that has done so much for Nigerians especially the people from the south and an unknown miscreant suddenly rose up to turn start attacking and some people join his to repay FFK, evil for his good.
There is need to clearly establish the following points:
- That there are friendships that have become like brotherhood that political divide cannot separate. For instance, my good friend that I call brother, Engr Said Uba (a Muslim) has left PDP for APC, but till I am typing this essay, we still relate like siblings not just as friend, yet he is a Muslim and I am a Christian and we are in different parties. Many of our people in PDP have attacked him since he left the party, but I know some things about him that many of them don’t know, and I can categorically and fundamentally assert that despite that Engr Said has attacked my party on different occasions and our people have attacked him, he (Engr Said) is still a good man to me and I have not seen anything that will change my mind about his person as an individual because I know many things about him beyond the surface that others don’t know. Therefore it takes a fool to misinterpret my personal relationship with Engr Said to mean that I am a betraying the masses. Chief FFK has said he knows some things about the late Abba Kyari that many people don’t know. Even from the tweet of Senator Shehu Sani and Kemi Olunloyo one will realise that they also know what some of us don’t know about him.
- If FFK has not backtracked having suffered under this government (including but not limited to freezing his accounts, harassing him and his family, laying siege around his house for 8 hours, arresting and detaining his wife with his two years old son) yet this fearless man is still boldly roaring like a lion, then it takes simple common sense to know that such a man should not be misinterpreted because of his tribute to his late friend of 40 years. If not for the interest of the masses does he owe anyone such solidarity? Are there not many people who are keeping quiet in the face of the tyranny in this country, how many of them have you people attacked for saying nothing? If he refuses to speak out can any of those attacking, hold him down? Well, I wouldn’t blame those who are keeping quiet, because they believe that it doesn’t worth fighting for the people that will be shooting arrows at you from rear while you are risking your liberty fighting.
- Except I am missing something, I have never for once heard that anyone in the name of Bolaji O. Akinyemi ever attacked this APC regime or any individual in APC. In fact, it was when I saw his essay yesterday that I ever heard that his name for the first time (Though I used to know Prof Bolaji Akinyemi who is a different person). After reading his essay yesterday, I wanted to know his antecedent in this fight that many of us have risked our freedom to engage in for the interest of Nigerians, so I kept searching facebook; no account could be linked to him as his account. I searched Twitter, I could not pin down any Twitter handle to his credit. Then I told some people to also search, nobody could find any account he owns either on Facebook or Twitter. Even Google only brought out Prof Bolaji Akinyemi (a different person). We only saw the essay of this Bolaji on Google and we later saw the response of one Dele Ajibade who appears to know him down to his family and who exposes him.
Therefore, the question to those who are dancing around his hypocritical essay is “WHO IS BOLAJI AKINYEMI IN THE BATTLE MANY OF US ARE RISKING EVERYTHING AROUND US TO FIGHT?”
- That a traitor, hypocrite and a nobody suddenly rose up to attack FFK that has canvassed different parts of this country even in the north (Plateau State, Kaduna State etc) to fearlessly speak against the oppressed of defenseless,yet some gullible people fell for his pranks: this speaks volume of why the wrong people kept getting to the seat of power in Nigeria. And funny enough, the same Bolaji has been exposed as ‘a mere attention seeking NONENTITY’ and ‘a disconnected protege of Mallam Nasiru El-Rufai and Alhaji Bola Ahmed Tinubu.’ who ‘in his article eulogising Former President Ibrahim Babangida IBB, he (Bolaji) turned to also expressed his admiration for El-Rufai, describing him as a round peg in round hole, who restored Abuja by exerting “so much zeal”, but by the exit of El-Rufai it “has fallen back to it’s jungle state of pre-El-Rufai.” He further added that if a former governor of Lagos State (Tinubu) is made FCT Minister he is sure that “the splendour of Abuja will be restored…”‘ (Direct quotation from Mr. Dele Ajibade’s response who appears to know him well). So is it a protege of Tinubu and El-Rufai that will now attack FFK and sensible people will follow him? I mean someone that has written open letter to both Buhari and Osinbajo on how he can connive to bring RUGA in hypocritical style to Lagos State and Kogi State amongst other states, if not that his open letter could not get to them. We should know better…
- Are those attacking FFK insinuating that he has no right to write tribute (like others did) on his friend of 40 years that died? A man that was his school mate and that they worked together in his father’s Chamber. It’s so senseless and too childish for anyone to attack FFK just because he paid tribute to his friend from another party. Anyone with common sense will know that no political devide can end 40 years friendship except if they have personal unresolvable crises.
- Out of many other people including PDP leaders and serving PDP governors and president of many countries that also wrote inspiring tributes on Mallam Abba Kyari, why do some people focus only on Chief Femi Fani-Kayode for attack? Obviously such attack must be politically motivated, but funny enough some gullible Nigerians are falling for the prank to shoot arrows at the vocal voice that has been speaking boldly ever since.
Among those that sent inspiring tributes to the Presidency over the death of Mallam Abba Kyari are: Gov. Samuel Ortom (PDP) of Benue State, Gov Okezie Ikpeazu (PDP) of Abia State, Gov Ben Ayade (PDP) of Cross Rivers State, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan (GEJ), Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ), Mr. Anyim Pius Anyim, Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina. Other international leaders include: Mr. Emeka Anyaoku (Former Common Wealth Secretary General), president of the following countries; Liberia, Guinea Bissau, Republic of Benin, Guinea Conakry; leaders of other countries too poured in tributes from Japan, Congo, Libya, Mauritania etc.
In conclusion, another person who said he knows the Bolaji said, “The author is typical of his ilk: small-minded, socially insecure, malicious and seething with the resentment.
“He always say crap things, we used to be in the same platform, he was chased out and due to his treachery he was been lock up at a police station by Chief Kenny Martins on the allegation of cheap blackmail.”
Therefore, I conclude that if the basis of his charge of treachery is that Chief FFK is not, in addition to opposing their politics, an enemy of every Northerner in government, then he is exceedingly emotionally and mentally immature, and excels only in the cheap score.
TRIBUTE FROM TWO PDP GOVERNORS
I will not end this essay without quoting just two of the tributes from two PDP Governors. Before you say it’s not true, check Femi Adesina’s Facebook page, I copied the following from his Facebook
In his tribute to late Abba Kyari, Governor Ben Ayade of Cross River said,
“We have lost a great statesman, a consummate professional, and an exceptionally brilliant mind. Our nation has lost one of its best,” the governor said in a statement.
According to him, Kyari was a patriotic statesman who was diligent and meticulous, uncommonly accommodating, and a great listener who was ever receptive to anyone who came across him.
“My heart and prayers are with the family at this very difficult moment. I pray for the repose of Mallam Kyari’s soul,” Governor Ayade added.
On his part, Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, sent condolences to the President on behalf of the government and people of the state.
He said the demise of a loved one such as a trusted aide can be devastating, noting that death was an inevitable end for which mankind must prepare at all times.
Governor Ortom also extended his sympathies to the Kyari family and prayed that God would grant the late Chief of Staff eternal rest.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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