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Buhari: Nigeria’s clueless messiah By Tunde Odesola

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CUSTOMSGATE: $3 BILLION PROJECT RUNS INTO DISPUTE

Buhari: Nigeria’s clueless messiah By Tunde Odesola

I laughed upon remembering Chief Zebrudaya Okoroigwe Nwogbo alias 4:30, and a proverb came to mind: “If death are strike dead the slow-motion chameleon with reckless abandon, why shall it not quench the jumpy-jumpy frog with instant automatic alacrity? Tell me!”

 

 

Chief Zebrudaya, the patriarch of Nigeria’s funniest English sitcom, New Masquerade, didn’t vocalise the above-written proverb, that’s my inexpert creation.

 

 

If he verbalised the proverb, Zebby, as his beautiful wife, Ovularia, lovingly calls him, would crack up viewers with his bombast while the funniest clowns in the history of clowning, Giringory and Clarus, would burst out from the kitchen dragging an empty pot of soup between them and arguing over who owns Nigeria, cows or citizens.

 

 

 

In relation to Nigeria’s political context, the imagery of the chameleon in the first paragraph is a symbolism for the June 12 1993 presidential election won by the late Chief MKO Abiola but which was truncated by the northern oligarchy in collusion with a few greedy collaborators from other parts of the country.

 

 

 

 

Conversely, the presidential ambition of a National Leader of the All Progressives Congress, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, I typify with the ‘jumpy-jumpy’ frog, patiently being awaited by the same oligarchy that killed MKO’s dream, along with their collaborators.

 

 

 

I plead not to be misinterpreted. Asiwaju enjoys the rights in the Nigerian Constitution to aspire to any political post in the land. But something is morally amiss if Tinubu – without publicly apologising for the 2015 deadwood presidential ambition he sandpapered and sold to Nigerians – is preparing to succeed the Katsina general whose maladministration has run Nigeria aground.

 

 

 

 

I wonder what would be Tinubu’s catchphrase in the 2023 presidential election. Would it be, “BAT: Consolidation of Sai Baba’s inglorious years?” or “Vote Jagaban to correct APC’s disastrous years?” or “Asiwaju: Leave story, jeun soke.”

 

 

 

 

Seriously, wailing and laughter are strange bedfellows. But when they work hand-in-glove, the Yoruba would say, “Oro buruku tohun terin.” Sometimes, nature could be as naughty as the proverbial case of Ibiye, whose goat was blind in the left eye while Ibiye was blind in the right.

 

 

 

 

 

The current situation of Nigeria is tragic, no doubt. What’s staring Nigeria in the face is no laughing matter at all. But in our tragic haven, the mind must escape to laughter, occasionally, otherwise mortuaries and asylums will boom in doom.

 

 

 

 

Although it’s obvious that Nigeria should declare national emergency in critical aspects of the economy, the retired Major General Muhammadu Buhari administration is totally clueless in halting the drift into abyss.

The green-white-green ‘abiku’ has snatched the sacrificial pot at the crossroads, and smashed it on the bald head of the tall and bony herbalist. The old soldier called upon to help kill the roving hyena in the farmland has ended up in the belly of the beast.

Sadly, Nigeria’s plight is akin to the case of Senegalese-born French midfielder Jean-Pierre Adams who underwent surgery for a knee injury in 1982, but hasn’t come out of coma 39 years after due to negligence on the part of the surgeon that performed the surgery.

For the unfortunate Adams, his surgeon carved him the pathway to eternal dungeon just like Nigeria’s messiah, Buhari, has unblushingly broken the covenants of hope he made to the people in 2015 and 2019, making the country worse than he met it.

Shortly before he became president, Buhari, during his famous 2015 Chatham House speech in England, urged Nigeria to choose between voting for continuity of failure or to elect progressive change.

At Chatham House, Buhari thundered, “Boko Haram has sadly put Nigeria on the terrorism map, killing more than 13,000 of our people…What has been consistently lacking is the required leadership in our battle against insurgency…”

Then he told a fat lie, “If I am elected president, the world will have no cause to worry about Nigeria…No inch of Nigeria will ever be lost to the enemy because we will pay special attention to the welfare of our soldiers in and out of service…

“We will ALWAYS ACT ON TIME (emphasis mine) and not allow problems to IRRESPONSIBLE fester. I, Muhammadu Buhari, will always lead from the front.”

Today, Buhari, who promised to ‘lead from the front’, is in obodo Oyinbo for a ‘routine’ medical check when his country’s medical doctors are on strike and his kingdom has been lost to insecurity.

If Buhari’s trip was truly routine, why didn’t he show sympathy to sick Nigerian masses who can’t afford to waste taxpayers’ money on frivolous medical trips abroad, by commenting on the strike and giving the people hope?

If the head injury suffered in a lone motorbike racing accident by Yusuf, his son, had occurred on the day of his departure to England, would Buhari have travelled without his son?

Twice, Nigerians were scammed big time by Buhari and his co-political adventurers. When thunderclaps bellowed six years ago, the masses hurriedly emptied their earthen pots in anticipation of fresh rainwater. Now, the thunderclaps have ceased without a raindrop.

More than half of the land was fooled. Gauntness was mistaken for lack of greed. Stony eyes were mistaken for penetrating focus on integrity. Now, everything has gone skyrocket with the wind.

How did we not know that this messiah had his children in schools abroad? How did we ever think he was part of us? How did we not know he would fail to publicly disclose his wealth? How did we not know that Goodluck Jonathan was only shoeless and clueless but Buhari is visionless and listless? How did we not know that messiah Buhari would turn the presidential fleet of planes into playthings for his daughter to hop on for photoshoots?

During the government of Saint Buhari, corruption abandoned its posh house at the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation and built a mansion inside the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, shedding its milk teeth of Jonathan years for the fangs, premolars and molars of the Buhari years.

My country people, I repeat, wailing and laughter are strange bedfellows. When they work hand-in-glove, the Yoruba would say, “Oro buruku tohun terin.”

Since our President has left us to our fate, we mustn’t wait in sadness for the merchants of death that kill daily. I mean, let’s amuse ourselves before the kidnappers storm, let’s share a laugh before herdsmen arrive to rape, maim, kill and get rewarded in return.

It’s only in Buhari country that the police would arrest the trader assaulted in Abuja by the Chairman, Code of Conduct Tribunal, Danladi Umar, who is a judge. It’s only in Buhari land that the coach of the Super Eagles, Gernot Rohr, would leave out players scoring goals in top-class leagues and invite players without teams for matches.

Ethnically and religiously, Buhari has polarised the land, otherwise, the type of heavy fine meted out to the ‘misyarning’ pastor in obodo Oyinbo should have been meted out to all the leaders misleading Nigerians into believing that COVID is unreal, sending many to their graves.

It’s only in Buhari’s Nigeria that corruption presses charges against integrity. Insanity, please, give us a break.

Email: [email protected]
Facebook: @tunde odesola
Twitter: @tunde_odesola

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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