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Dele Giwa’s Murder: Soyinka replies ex-Police DIG, Omeben

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A former London Bureau chief of Newswatch, Kayode Soyinka, who was present when Dele Giwa, the co-founder of the magazine was bombed to death in 1986, has reacted to recent claims by a retired police investigator that Mr. Soyinka fled after the attack and was never questioned.
In an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria, published Monday, Chris Omeben, a retired Deputy Inspector General of Police, who was in charge of investigating the murder, said Mr. Soyinka was shielded from being quizzed.
Mr. Giwa was killed through a letter bomb while having breakfast with Mr. Soyinka in Lagos.
Mr. Omeben, now 80, said Mr. Soyinka was the principal suspect in the attack, and wondered how he survived the powerful blast when he was in the same room.
He said Mr. Soyinka apparently left the scene shortly before the explosion. Mr. Omeben subtly faulted widespread accusations against the then military regime of Ibrahim Babangida, which many blame for the killing.
Mr. Soyinka, who is now the publisher of Africa Today magazine, spoke to PREMIUM TIMES from his London base. He said he was questioned twice by the police after the incident.

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He accused Mr. Omeben of deceit, and labelled him a “disgrace” to the Nigerian Police, who worked with the former military regime to cover up the crime. He said the real suspect in the murder was Halilu Akilu, a former army intelligence officer, who called up Mr. Giwa’s house repeatedly to get the description to the property on the day of the attack.
“I gave statements not once but twice to the same Nigerian Police he represents before I eventually left Nigeria. The first one was at the hospital where I was admitted – Dele’s body was next door to me. That interrogation by a senior police officer whose name I cannot recall took place on the spot when the incident was still fresh. It was inside the hospital. Dele Olojede (publisher of defunct 234next newspaper) was beside me – he is alive, go and ask him,” he said.
Mr. Soyinka recalled that Halilu Akilu called Mr. Giwa’s house about three times within 24hours and spoke to Funmilayo, Dele’s wife, to know how to get to the journalist’s Ikeja home.
“On the Sunday of the bomb blast Dele had spoken to Akilu from his upstairs bedroom before coming down to have breakfast with me, to tell him that he heard he had called him on Saturday and asked why. The letter bomb was delivered to the house within 45 minutes after that early morning telephone discussion between Dele and Akilu. So who should be Omeben’s ‘principal suspect’ then? Should it be me who was bombed with Dele? Or Akilu?
“Chris Omeben, who was a Deputy Inspector-General of Police, when the letter bomb blast occurred on October 19, 1986, is a complete disgrace to the Nigeria Police Force. He claimed to be an investigator of the bomb blast. Instead of protecting me, the survivor, who escaped death by a whisker, and by the very special grace of God, he is sadly and disgracefully trying to rewrite the script to make me, as he said, his ‘principal suspect’.
“His ‘principal suspect’ should be Halilu Akilu, who called Dele’s house about three times consecutively Saturday before the Sunday bombing and spoke to Funmilayo, Dele’s wife, to ask for description of and direction to Dele’s house in Ikeja.
“Omeben, said, and I quote: ‘Soyinka knew what was coming and he left the room to hide behind the wall.’ What a blatant lie? This man, who I understand is now a pastor, has no fear of God in him at all, making such bold erroneous statement like that on an issue of such sensitivity and accusing me, an innocent man – a victim and survivor of the bomb blast. He should ask God for forgiveness!
“In this interview he granted the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) to coincide with this year’s anniversary of the bomb blast, it is ‘behind the wall’ that Omeben said I hid myself. In his interview with The Sun Newspaper in 2012, he said I ran to the toilet before the bomb exploded. You can see the inconsistency in his wild allegations.

kayode

“I am very disappointed and shocked that the Nigerian media, who knew and should still know the facts of what happened on that day gave Omeben powerful platform in mainstream media outlets in Nigerian to voice out this falsehood – and without calling me (a member of the Nigerian media family) to at least hear my own story. I am so disappointed particularly with the News Agency of Nigeria, the original vehicle of Omeben’s allegations, that it allowed itself – such an important national institution – to be used by Omeben to peddle such falsehood.
“As a veteran journalist myself, I am ashamed of NAN and those other newspapers who published that story without doing the professional thing of calling me to cross check the veracity of Omeben’s claims and allegations.
“So let me let Omeben know again – if he does not know already, and so that he does not keep repeating these erroneous allegations again when the anniversary comes up again next year – that Dele and I were the only two people in the study when Dele’s son Billy delivered the letter bomb to his father. It is very important here to remember that some unidentified people, who gave it to the security man at the gate, delivered the parcel bomb to Dele’s house.
“The security man, while coming inside the compound with the parcel saw Billy (Dele’s son) on the way and gave it to him. When Billy came to the study and delivered the parcel to his father, Dele looked at it and handed it over to me. I looked at it and was able to vividly see the inscription on the padded envelope and handed it back to him. He received it back from me, moved his recycling chair back slightly to face the window on his left, he held the envelope with both hands, and tried to tear it through the top left-hand corner. He had not really opened it up, if he did it was only very slightly. And boom!! The bomb exploded!’
“A big ball of fire occurred. It was a very powerful bomb explosion! The side of the envelope facing the iron-barred window blew up that window. The side facing Dele exploded on his chest and stomach. And the force that came out from the bottom of the envelope blew up his upper legs and badly affected lower part of his body. He did not die immediately. He died in the hospital.
“Now, you see the vivid description I have just given you – 29 years after the gory incident. If I ran into the toilet or hid myself behind the wall before the bomb exploded like our Mr Omeben will like the world, and particularly Nigerians, to believe, and as he is trying hard, very hard, to label me as the suspect, how would I have been able to know all this, and give this graphic description.
“That partly was what the Oputa Panel missed when it investigated this matter because they did not see it necessary at that time to invite me to give evidence and I was not invited.
So, Mr Omeben should get it now that I did not – and I repeat I did not – run away to toilet or hid behind a wall. I sat on my own chair right in front of Dele. Only the strong mahogany L-shaped desk on which we were eating our breakfast divided us. So I was literarily inches away from him. The huge desk must have mobbed the force of the blast that would have done the damage on me up.
“But the force was so powerful and so powerful enough to still lift me off my chair. The chair itself collapsed. I was thrown on the floor by the exit door. I was momentarily unconscious. But regained consciousness, flung my spectacles off my face, and staggered out of the room. Yes, I received no cut on my body, but my nightgown was spattered with blood – Dele’s blood – and I had burns on my forehead. And I smelt of burns.
“I thank God for sparing my life. I could have been killed on that day. My survival was a Biblical miracle. I told you that I held the letter bomb myself! What of if I was the one that opened it? And I could easily have opened it myself. But I gave it back to Dele. That’s why I believe my survival was the work of God. My own time was not up yet.
“What other allegation did Omeben level against me? He said, ‘Up till today Soyinka never appeared before the police’. Again, how can he be that ignorant? This is a blatant lie. And as a senior police officer, especially one who claims to be investigating this important incident, he should have known that I gave statements not once but twice to the same Nigerian Police he represents before I eventually left Nigeria. The first one was at the hospital where I was admitted – Dele’s body was next door to me. That interrogation by a senior police officer whose name I cannot recall took place on the spot when the incident was still fresh. It was inside the hospital. Dele Olojede was beside me – he is alive, go and ask him’.
“Dele Olojede will recall that as questions were asked I could not hear anything. My both ears were solidly blocked. That was a serious effect of the blast. Then it was confirmed there at the hospital by the ear specialists that my ears were perforated. And this was also confirmed when I got back to the UK after the incident. For about five years after the bomb blast I had to endure continuous noise, humming, nonstop in my both ears. It was very irritating, but there was nothing I could do about it until it improved over the years and stopped’
“And even up till today, 29 years after, I still carry the effect of the bomb blast in my ears because I can hear better on the right ear while my left ear, which was nearer to the blast is still weak. But who am I to complain about not hearing well, when it could have been worse and I could have lost everything completely, including my life.
“The second statement I made when the police requested to see me again. It was made at the premises of Newswatch in Oregun Road in Lagos in the presence of the eminent lawyer Chief Gani Fawehinmi. I don’t know why Omeben did not know about this and he is accusing me wrongly. The statement I made, and the ones made by Funmilayo (Dele’s wife) and Billy, I believe, is now in public domain. Chief Gani Fawehinmi must have published them in the series of books he published on this subject before he died.
“So I don’t understand why Omeben should tell Nigerians such a blatant lies. That is wickedness. He does not fear God at all. Thank God I am alive and I can respond to him. Can you imagine if I had died with Dele, Omeben and cohorts would have succeeded in putting cotton wool on the faces of Nigerians and sold a different story completely to them to exonerate those who did it.
“He said again ‘I have enough evidence to quiz Soyinka now’. Well, Nigerians should help me beg Omeben, if he truly has those ‘enough evidence’, he should do us a big favour in Nigeria by releasing them to the public so that Nigerians can truly know who bombed us, Dele and I, on that day’.
“Again, Omeben said: ‘They started to insinuate that the assassination was masterminded by Babangida, Akilu etc. They said that Akilu ought to have been investigated’. Who else could have had the expertise to assemble a letter bomb in 1986 Nigeria if not the military? He did not want to investigate Akilu who was calling Dele’s house frantically on Saturday and who was the last person Dele spoke to on telephone on that Sunday and the bomb was delivered into the house minutes after. He doesn’t want to investigate Akilu but it is convenient to want to investigate Soyinka the victim and survivor of the bomb blast. Oh, what an investigator?
“Lastly, I did not run away from Nigeria as he also claimed. I was in Nigeria throughout the controversies. My family was in the UK when the bomb occurred. A Good Samaritan went to our home in London and handed them airline tickets to come immediately to Nigeria and join me. We were all in Nigeria throughout. My wife attended Dele’s burial with me at his village near Auchi in Edo State. My pictures with my wife beside me were spread on the pages on national newspapers the following morning after the burial – with my ears still covered with cotton wool. Mr Omeben his pretending he did not know all this and still saying ‘Soyinka ran away to London’.
“I eventually left Nigeria shortly after Dele’s burial, which, if my memory services me right, was about two months after the bombing. And we did not have to leave or “ran away” through the famous “Nadeco Route”. My wife and I, with our two little children, left through the Murtala Mohammed airport in Lagos and no one stopped us from taking the British Caledonian flight to London. Members of our family, Newswatch editors and friends escorted us to the airport. It was in full glare of the public.
“I hope with these comments I have made Nigerian people will come to know Chris Omeben for who he truly is – certainly not an investigator as he claims to be but an errand boy and mischief maker, representing the interests of his ‘Ogas at the Top’, the real culprits who sent us the letter bomb. He knows who the real suspects are. Nigerians know who the real suspects are. Certainly not me – Soyinka! He should beam his searchlight on Akilu and Togun and Babangida. May Dele Giwa’s soul continue to rest in peace,” Mr. Soyinka said.

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President Tinubu in Turkey: Guard of Honor and Strategic Agreements Signal New Era in Bilateral Relations

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, was accorded a full guard of honor during his official state visit to Turkey, a ceremonial reception reserved for world leaders and a strong signal of the respect Nigeria commands on the global stage.

The ceremony, held at the Turkish Presidential Complex in Ankara, featured military pageantry, national anthems, and formal protocol before high-level bilateral talks commenced.

The Presidency confirmed that President Tinubu briefly stumbled due to a camera cable while proceeding to the presidential lodge but stood up immediately and continued his engagements without interruption, stressing that the incident had no impact on the visit or his health.

More importantly, the visit delivered substantive diplomatic and economic outcomes. During talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on January 27, 2026, Nigeria and Turkey signed nine cooperation agreements and memoranda of understanding, covering military cooperation, higher education, diaspora policy, media and communication, halal accreditation, diplomatic training, and the establishment of a Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO).

At a joint press conference, President Tinubu emphasized the need to deepen cooperation in security, trade, and economic development, while President Erdoğan reaffirmed Turkey’s support for Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and commitment to strengthening strategic ties.

With Turkey’s strengths in defense technology, intelligence, education, and industrial capacity, the agreements open new opportunities for technology transfer, security collaboration, trade expansion, and human capital development.

In essence, the Turkey visit stands as a diplomatic success, defined not by a fleeting moment, but by honor, respect, and concrete agreements that advance Nigeria’s security, economy, and international standing.

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Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti and His Crowned Princes

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

 

Preface: The Necessity of Historical Context

Every generation seeks its heroes. In music, this instinct often manifests through comparison—an exercise that frequently reveals more about contemporary taste than historical contribution. In recent years, public discourse, amplified by social media, has juxtaposed Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with global Afrobeats icons, most notably Wizkid, provoking the recurring question of “greatness” in Nigerian music.

This essay does not diminish the accomplishments of Nigeria’s contemporary stars, whose global visibility is unprecedented. Rather, it offers a scholarly contextualization—one that distinguishes between musical origination and musical succession, and between cultural architecture and commercial dominance—while situating Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti firmly within the category of historical inevitability.

The Problem with Simplistic Comparison

Comparing Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti with contemporary Afrobeats performers is, by scholarly standards, inherently flawed.

Fela’s work transcended performance. He engineered an entire musical and ideological system, fused political philosophy with sound, and permanently altered the trajectory of African popular music. His output represents cultural authorship, not entertainment calibrated to market demand. Fela’s music is timeless precisely because it was never designed to be fashionable.

A Yoruba proverb captures this distinction with enduring clarity:

“Ọmọ kì í ní aṣọ púpọ̀ bí àgbà, kó ní akísà bí àgbà.”

A child may own many clothes, but he cannot possess the rags of an elder.

The proverb is not dismissive. It is instructive. It speaks to accumulated depth—experience earned, systems built, and legacies forged through time rather than trend.

Musicians and Artistes: A Necessary Distinction

A rigorous analysis requires conceptual precision. Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti was a musician in the classical and intellectual sense: a composer, arranger, bandleader, employer of musicians, multi-instrumentalist, theorist, and cultural philosopher. His work demanded mastery of form, orchestration, ideology, and discipline.

Fela composed extended works, trained orchestras, performed entirely live, and embedded African political consciousness into rhythm, harmony, and structure.

By contrast, many contemporary stars—though exceptionally gifted and globally successful—operate primarily as artistes: interpreters of sound whose work prioritizes studio production, performance aesthetics, and commercial reach. This is not a hierarchy of worth, but a distinction of function. Fela’s music demanded study and confrontation; contemporary Afrobeats prioritised accessibility, pleasure, and global circulation—often without courting antagonism.

Afrobeat: An Ideological Invention

Afrobeat, as conceived by Fela, was not merely a genre. It was an ideological framework. Jazz, highlife, Yoruba rhythmic systems, call-and-response traditions, and political chant were fused into a resistant, uncompromising form.

Modern Afrobeats—by Wizkid, Burna Boy, and others—are adaptations and descendants, not replicas. They have expanded Africa’s global cultural footprint, but expansion does not erase origination. Fela’s Afrobeat remains the undiluted prototype upon which contemporary success rests.

Enduring Legacy Beyond Mortality

Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti passed in 1997, yet his influence has intensified rather than diminished. His legacy is evidenced by:

– Continuous academic study across global universities.

– International bands, many formed by people not alive at the time of his death, performing his works.

– FELABRATION, now a global annual cultural event.

– Broadway and international stage adaptations inspired by his life and music.

– Lifetime achievement and posthumous recognition by the Grammy Awards.

– Cultural centres, festivals, and scholarly conferences generating lasting intellectual and economic value.

This constitutes cultural permanence, not nostalgia.

Reconsidering Wealth and Sacrifice

Measured monetarily, Fela was not among the wealthiest musicians of his era. His radicalism came at an immense personal cost. He was beaten repeatedly. His mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, was killed. His home was burned. Original artistic archives were destroyed during state-sanctioned violence by unknown soldiers, even though history records who authorised the actions.

Yet Fela gave voice to generations—from Ojuelegba to Mushin, Ajegunle to Jos, Abuja, and even the privileged enclaves of today’s ọmọ baba olówó. He toured globally with an unusually large band long before satellite television or social media could amplify his reach.

Like Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe, Fela’s wealth exists beyond currency. It resides in influence, citation, adaptation, and endurance.

National and Global Recognition

Fela received a state burial in Lagos—an extraordinary acknowledgment from a military government he relentlessly criticised. Nations rarely honour dissenters so formally.

Globally, his stature aligns with figures such as James Brown, Elvis Presley, and the Rolling Stones—artists whose music reshaped identity, politics, and social consciousness.

The Crowned Princes: Wizkid and the Ethics of Reverence

Nigeria’s modern stars—Wizkid, Burna Boy, 2Face Idibia, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Tems, Olamide, among others—have achieved extraordinary global success. They are wealthier, more mobile, and more visible internationally than previous generations, and they deserve their accolades.

Wizkid, in particular, has consistently demonstrated reverence rather than rivalry toward Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti.

Femi Aníkúlápó Kuti has publicly stated:

“Wizkid loves Fela like a father.”

Wizkid has repeatedly supported FELABRATION, never demanding performance fees. The only times he has not appeared were occasions when he was not in the country. He has remixed Fela’s music, bears a Fela tattoo on his arm, and openly acknowledges Fela’s primacy.

A senior associate and long-time friend of Wizkid has affirmed that Wizkid adores Fela, would never equate himself with him—“in this world or the next”—and that recent tensions were reactions to provocation rather than assertions of equivalence.

This distinction matters. Wizkid’s posture is one of inheritance, not competition.

Seun Kuti and the Burden of Legacy

Seun Kuti is a musician of conviction and lineage. Yet relevance is best secured through original contribution rather than reactive comparison. Fela’s legacy does not require defence through controversy; it is already settled by history.

As William Shakespeare observed:

“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars,

But in ourselves, that we are underlings.”

—Julius Caesar

The weight of inheritance can inspire greatness or provoke restlessness. History rewards those who build upon legacy, not those who contest it.

The Songs That Made Fela Legendary

Among the works that cemented Fela’s immortality are:

– Zombie

– Water No Get Enemy

– Sorrow, Tears and Blood

– Coffin for Head of State

– Expensive Shit

– Shakara

– Gentleman

– Teacher Don’t Teach Me Nonsense

– Roforofo Fight

– Beasts of No Nation

These compositions remain sonic textbooks of resistance.

Fela in the Digital Age

Had Fela lived in the era of social media, his voice would have resonated far beyond Africa. His music would have found kinship among global movements confronting inequality, oppression, and social injustice.

“Music is the weapon.”

—Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti

Weapons, unlike trends, endure.

Placing Greatness Correctly

Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti’s greatness does not require comparison. He is the great-grandfather of Afrobeat—the musical and cultural architect who cleared the roads upon which today’s Afrobeat princes now travel.

Honouring contemporary success does not diminish historical achievement. To understand Nigerian music’s global relevance is to understand Fela. History, when read correctly, is both generous and precise.

 

Prince Adeyemi Shonibare writes on culture, music history, and African creative industries. He is a media and events consultant based in Nigeria.

 

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Mazangari Decries Prolonged Silence Over Unresolved EFCC Bank Draft Allegations

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EFCC Nabs 148 Chinese Nationals, 645 Others for Cyberfraud and Romance Scams in Major Lagos Raid

Years after a petition alleging abuse of office, intimidation and institutional misconduct was submitted against operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Hajia Mazangari has drawn public attention to the matter once again, expressing concern over what she described as prolonged institutional silence and the absence of any known resolution.

The controversy arose from a bank draft transaction involving a sum running into several millions of naira, reportedly issued in the name of “EFCC Clients Account” and handed over to one Habibu Aliyu.

According to the account contained in the petition, Hajia Mazangari was later contacted by her bank and informed that an EFCC operative allegedly approached the bank, requesting that the draft earlier issued by her be cashed into another personal account.

The bank reportedly declined the request, insisting that the draft could only be re-issued in the name of a new beneficiary in compliance with established banking regulations. Attempts by Hajia Mazangari, through her solicitor, to retrieve the original bank draft allegedly resulted in hostility from Habibu Aliyu and Ruqqaya Ibrahim, with the situation escalating into what the petition described as sustained malice, intimidation and humiliation.

“It is as a result of this unending malice, torture and humiliation that we passionately plead to you, sir, to save our client who has been run aground by people with personal vendetta disguising as public officers,” the petition read.

In a further petition dated 14 January 2020 and addressed to the then Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, through her counsel, Ibrahim Salawu, Esq., Hajia Mazangari alleged that Habibu Aliyu (a former staff of the EFCC), Ruqqaya Ibrahim (a serving EFCC staff), Mohammed Goje (a serving EFCC staff) and one Mustafa Gadanya (a former staff of the EFCC) had, on various occasions, stormed her family residence in Kaduna.

According to the petition, copies of which were obtained by our correspondent in Abuja, the individuals allegedly accused her, her son and his associates of being involved in a pension scam, insisting that they were “neck-deep” in the alleged fraud and would be dealt with and made to face prosecution.

Hajia Mazangari maintained that the accusations were unfounded and that the repeated visits amounted to intimidation and abuse of authority.

In a related development at the time, counsel to Ahmed and Fatima Mazangari, Barrister Ibrahim Salawu, also wrote to the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court seeking the reassignment of their case to another court, following the elevation of the presiding judge to the Court of Appeal and the resultant irregular sittings of the court.

Despite the seriousness of the allegations contained in the petitions, efforts to obtain an official response from the EFCC at the time reportedly proved abortive.

Years later, Hajia Mazangari maintains that the institutional silence that greeted her complaints has persisted. She faulted the former Chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Magu, for allegedly failing to address the concerns raised in the petitions.

She further accused the former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, of failing to intervene or cause a review of the matter despite being formally notified.

According to her, the situation has not changed under the current leadership of the EFCC, which she claims has continued in what she described as the same pattern of silence and inaction, leaving the issues raised unresolved several years after the petitions were submitted.

She also raised concerns over the continued service of an officer identified as Mohammed Goje at the EFCC office in Gombe, noting that other officers of similar standing were reportedly dismissed in the past for corrupt practices. She questioned why no publicly known disciplinary or investigative outcome has emerged from her complaints.

Hajia Mazangari stressed that her decision to speak out again is not based on any fresh incident, but on the need to draw public attention to an unresolved matter which, in her view, underscores broader concerns about institutional accountability. She called on relevant authorities and oversight bodies to revisit the petitions and ensure that the issues raised are conclusively addressed in accordance with the law.

When contacted for comments on the allegations and the renewed public attention surrounding the matter, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had not responded as at the time of filing this report.

However, the Commission is hereby afforded the right of reply and is free to present its position or clarifications on the issues raised.

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