Connect with us

Politics

Dino will make a better president than Buhari

Published

on

DELTA COMMUNITIES LAMENT GROSS NEGLECT BY FG, AGENCIES, OIL COMPANIES.

By Tunde Odesola

If you multiply hypocrisy by incompetence and divide the product by impunity, the answer you get is a failed Federal Republic of Nigeria led by the aged pensioner, Major General Muhammadu Buhari.

Also, if you add idleness and vainglory to immaturity and subtract the
result from common sense, two wantoning kids touring a sand castle is what you get as the final answer.

But this is not the time to diminish the joy of the northern General and his presidential family who recently threw a bureau de change party for the baby of the clan, Hanan, and called it a wedding, in Abuja, the seat of power.

I won’t be a killjoy and act like many Nigerian spoilsports who are equating the criminal mutilation of currencies during the wedding of Hanan, the daughter of the anti-corruption saint, Buhari, with the sickening display of questionable wealth by my hero and former senator from Kogi State, Comrade Dino Koledowo Melaye. Koledowo is a name which Dino has rightly earned, I think. Koledowo means ‘build a house for money’.

Of the 200 million approximate Nigerian population, a huge proportion is calling the attention of the toothless, sightless and rudderless Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to the childish display of unexplained wealth by the popular jester and Pirate of the Caribbean, who had lived with bats and snakes atop an Iroko tree for 11 hours, jumped from a moving vehicle and hidden in his palatial sanctuary – all in order to save Nigeria’s democracy.

I’m neither a fan of tithe advocate, Bishop David Oyedepo, nor am I as godly as Nigerian-Romanian broadcaster, Daddy Freeze, whom many had mistakenly thought was the 13th Disciple, until the video of his wining and dining with International Tiff Tiff, Hushpuppi, surfaced online. Though I’ve neither wined and dined with Dino nor carried a camera phone after him, I’ll quickly justify why I’m casting my vote for him against Buhari in Nigeria’s evolving reality tragedy which I titled, ‘Born Poor, Get Wealthy Anyhow, Stay Wealthy’.

I know that the generality of the 21.7 million unemployed Nigerians are unhappy about Dino’s incessant wealth worship but the 84 million registered Nigerian voters are disappointed with the shambolic performance of Buhari, whose screaming achievements include the inability to manage his domestic crises from hitting newspaper cover pages, consigning women to the bedroom and the kitchen, indulging his son, Yusuf, to own and ride multimillion naira powerbikes when fuel scarcity had grounded the country, and permissively releasing the presidential fleet of planes for Hanan and her camera and cosmetic bag to live happily in the sky.

Some angry Nigerians are also calling on the anti-poor tax agencies in Nigeria to dust their dog-eared tomes and head to the haven that Dino Koledowo built in Abuja for an accountable tax evaluation of his Solomonic riches. These Nigerians believe the government would make good money in tax if the senator is made to truly give unto Caesar what is Caesar’s.

Some even wonder that if Dino, a single term senator, could be that filthy rich, how rich would serving and former senate presidents, deputy presidents, principal officers and principalities that have made the Red Chamber a thoroughfare to obscene wealth be? Some say Dino didn’t engage in underhand dealings. They argue that Dino must be receiving divine royalties for the work he had done in heaven before he was sent to earth to rescue the Nigerian masses.

Well, by the time tax evaluators arrive at Dino’s palace in Abuja, they’ll meet me there gidigba, hobbling behind the great Ajekun Iya crooner with my eyes popping out, mouth ajar, hot air puffing down my nostrils and sweat breaking on my brows in the air conditioned paradise as I covet Dino’s exquisite home and shout, ‘Dino, my mhen! Wow! Wow! Wow! Wow!’ like brand new ambulances that pitiful Nigerian public hospitals never had.

Seriously speaking, when Nigerians accuse Buhari of hypocrisy, clannishness, corruption, incompetence, perfidy and looking the other way when family and friends foul the Constitution, they have numerous unassailable cases to prove their argument. I’ll recount a few among a countless number of examples.

Abi what’s more corrupt than Buhari’s silence over the corruption revelations that unfolded at the House of Representatives probe of the Niger Delta Development Commission? What’s more clannish than Buhari granting better-life amnesty to ‘repentant’ Boko Haram members when the tears of anguish are yet to dry on the faces of Christian victims who get next to nothing from his government?

Mujin Aisha, what’s more perfidious than your suspicious reintroduction of the explosive waterway bill to favor Fulani herdsmen by giving them Federal Government’s backing to access all lands and waters across the country for free?

Sai Baba, please, I want to know what’s a better definition of hypocrisy than the flouting of crowd control and social-distancing guidelines during the burial of your Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari, and the wedding of Hanan while non-powerful Nigerians who break COVID-19 regulations are arrested and punished? Baba Zahra, what’s the hallmark of incompetence than Nigeria, despite her human, mineral and natural resouces, emerging the world’s capital of poverty and the global kingdom of terrorism? General Buhari, please, pardon my effrontery if my questions pinch your jackboots; I’m a cowardly bloody civilian only emboldened by the inability of your 400,000-member army to quell a fractional number of insurgents, sir.

I trust Nigerians haven’t forgotten the 2017 bombshell by World Bank President, Jim Yong Kim, who disclosed during a press conference in Washington DC that, “In my very first meeting with President Buhari, he said specifically that he would like us to shift focus to the northern region of Nigeria and we’ve done that…” What’s this if not baba nla tribalism, sir?

Neither have Nigerians forgotten the sight of the bullion vans snaking into the Bourdillon residence of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu on the eve of your re-election nor Governor Umar Gandollar stuffing his agbada with illicit dollars and EFFC’s criminal failure to investigate Lagos Speaker, Mudashiru Obasa, over damning allegations of corruption, among many other examples.

Dino is, by far, a better character than you, General Buhari, because he calls a spade by its name. Dino doesn’t pretend to be a saint. He doesn’t defend his source of wealth. He doesn’t put up a stern face to appear disinterested in riches while his bank accounts and that of his family members say otherwise. Dino looks you in the eye and tells you he’s stinking rich, you may go and jump into the lagoon if you want. Dino says his mind and flaunts his toys as pacifiers to his restless soul. Dino has got balls.

Buhari hasn’t. He’s a coward who tells the World Bank president his innermost wishes but can’t face up to the country and broadcast the conversation. He lacks the competence to save Nigeria from daily bloodshed but will rather foist incompetent kinsmen as security chiefs, despite the growing number of soldiers falling to the bullets of Boko Haram.

In Sri Lanka, murder convict and member of the ruling Podujana Party, Premalal Jayasekara, has been sworn in as a member of parliament, despite protests by the opposition.

The Nigerian justice system is on the road to Sri Lanka with the way President Buhari is condoning lawlessness by relatives, friends and powerful All Progressives Congress members. Nigeria may not survive its consequences.

I believe in the injunction of Proverbs 22:15, which says, “Foolishness is bound in the heart of a child; but the rod of correction shall drive it far from him.” I also believe that the mind of a child is like a tabula rasa. I believe you can’t teach an old dog new tricks. I believe in Dino. I believe he can redirect his frolics into creative energy.

I don’t believe in Buhari.

Email: [email protected]

Politics

Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

Published

on

Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

Continue Reading

Politics

Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

Published

on

Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

Continue Reading

Politics

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

Published

on

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

Continue Reading

Cover Of The Week

Trending