Connect with us

Politics

How DNA testing may wrongly nail your wife (1)

Published

on

BREAKING: Former President Muhammadu Buhari Dies in London Hospital

How DNA testing may wrongly nail your wife (1) By Tunde Odesola

DNA– For a breath of fresh air and to maintain my sanity, I’ll desist from talking about the retired General Muhammadu Buhari in this article. Also, I’ll resist talking about murderous Boko Haram, terrorist Fulani herdsmen, nationwide bandits, humongous corruption and bleeding nepotism which the Buhari regime will bequeath to the incoming Presidency in 2023, if Nigeria exists till then, luckily.

 

 

I understand why it’s not easy for Nobel laureate, Professor Oluwole Babatunde Soyinka, to give up hope on his 61-year-old country, Nigeria: no parent will nurture an Abiku from infancy through childhood to adolescence, and incautiously watch the heartless child climb a pawpaw tree with vegetable stalk – without shouting gbajare!

So, I understand the patriotic zeal which, for almost 70 unbroken years, has fired Soyinka up to engage in an eternal struggle for a better Nigeria.

At a point in 1965, Soyinka justifiably held, at gunpoint, the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation, Ibadan, despite security presence; landed in jail over a pro-Biafra article in 1967, at another point, and escaped into exile in 1994 when he was sentenced to death by the rogue General, Sani Abacha, who was dragging Nigeria to the point of no return. Doubtless, the sagacious Soyinka had a brush with the law one time too many over his conviction.

The last time the white-mane literary icon wrote a novel, Season of Anomy, was 1973. His new novel, Chronicles From the Land of the Happiest People on Earth, is his third, while The Interpreters written in 1965, was his debut.

It’s the mighty shame of a nation that the same themes of corruption, hypocrisy, nepotism, ignorance, blood-letting, poverty that are Soyinka’s preoccupations in his 1965 and 1973 novels, remain his motifs in his 2021 novel.

While some global issues which Soyinka spoke to in his works have changed for the better, it’s excruciatingly painful that his country, Nigeria, remains rooted to the bottomless pit of underdevelopment despite decades of his literary and social advocacy for change.

I wish I could measure the heaviness of the soul of Africa’s foremost literary figure, Soyinka, seeing his Nigeria, the Abiku, swimming in crocodile-infested pond while giant gators glide to gobble the Abiku, together with its defiance and charmed bangle-feet.

For Soyinka, appearance and reality in Nigeria are siamese even though he faults the depiction of Nigerians as ‘happiest people on earth’ in his latest work. Soyinka’s Chronicles From the Land of the Happiest People on Earth is a stinging irony of the sorrowful Nigerian populace described by total strangers as joyful.

However, Appearance and Reality weren’t the same for me some decades ago when I served in the National Youth Service Corps in Umuopu and Aji communities of Igbo-Eze North Local Government Council of Enugu State.

Then, I had a shapely girlfriend, whose name flirts on the periphery of memory now. I think she’s Eucharia. UK, for short. Then, I shared a top-floor two-bedroomed flat with a fellow corper, James Umor, now deceased, in a storey building owned by a traditional shrink called Enwe Nwanjo,who had a son, Emma, who had a beautiful wife, and a baby girl called Kasie. Emma and his family lived on the ground floor of the main building with us. Enwe Nwanjo had died a few years before my NYSC posting, but I still met his legend in Aji as a great healer of sick minds.

UK, an ebony beauty with a dimpled smile, lived in another apartment on the top floor with us. One night something happened.

I had just returned from a journey late in the night. And the whole compound had gone to sleep. I had come out on the verandah to have a drink and smoke a cigarette. Then I heard the bed creak in UK’s room. Sleep fled from my eyes and the hair on my head stood on end.

“But UK told me she was going to Nsukka to see her parents this weekend?” I recalled silently as I tip-toed towards her door in the dark hallway.

I peeped through the keyhole, darkness stared back at me. Then, slowly, very slowly, my mind dismantled the darkness. I saw two human forms, one lying behind the other, on the small metal bed by the curtained window…

I stayed all night on the verandah smoking and shacking whiskey as the harmattan wind froze my bones, but I kept my gaze on UK’s door while I intermittently patrolled the other louvered window to her apartment, which wasn’t in full gaze.

Then, another thing happened. Around 5:30am, or thereabouts, I heard a crowd of people chatting from a distance on the hazy road to our apartment. Then, some male and female students, who lived in the compound, together with a teacher, Florence Enwe, who’s the sister of Emma, and my smiling UK, burst into view. They were all coming back home from a vigil in their catholic church!

I quietly sneaked into my apartment, relieved but still curious. I heard UK’s footfalls as she climbed the stairs and I re-emerged from my apartment. She greeted me and asked smilingly, “You no dey sleep, Kopashon?” She knocked on her door. A preteen girl of about 10 years, whom she described as her sister from Nsukka, opened the door drowsily, stretching and yawning. “Tunde, see ya life,” I said to myself silently.

This is my own experience with Appearance and Reality. While Soyinka sees Nigeria for what it truly is, the Appearance I saw in Enugu Ezike was far from Reality.

What did the 178-year-old British newspaper, The Economist, see when it described the Buhari regime as incompetent, last week? Appearance or Reality? Or both? I’ve vowed not to talk about Buhari in this piece, and I wish to be faithful to my promise. I’ll leave Buhari for now and go ahead to explore DNA testing as a realm of science where results may not always be accurate.

Despite a woman’s fidelity to her man, a DNA testing could wrongly label the faithful woman a cheat if she gave birth to a chimera baby.

Unlike the generality of humanity possessing a single and distinct set of genes, chimera individuals have at least two sets of genes, which can result in a false negative result when the genetic composition of their tissue which was sampled for DNA testing is different from their reproductive tissue.

The case of American Taylor Muhl, a 37-year-old female singer, songwriter and dancer, brings into keener perspectives the issue of genetics and the probability that DNA testing could go wrong.

Though the multiple sets of genetic compositions in chimeras differ from one individual to another, in the case of Muhl, she was her own twin. This means that her embryo swallowed the twin embryo in her mother’s womb.

The fusion of the embryos could be in the gonads, testicles, abdomen, hand, transplanted parts of the body or any part of the body.

If it was in the testicles, for instance, the child fathered by the seminal fluid of the chimera individual would likely carry the gene of the other unborn, infused twin – such that DNA tests on the children produced by the chimera will prove negative.

There’s the case of another American woman, Karen Keegan, whose own children were disproved by DNA testing, until a US court ruled that the pregnancy she had at the time in question should be recorded.

Despite being video recorded at childbirth, DNA testing conducted on Keegan’s new baby also proved that she wasn’t the mother of the child.

Email: [email protected]
Facebook: @tunde odesola
Twitter: @tunde_odesola
TundeOdesola.com

* To be concluded.

Politics

2027 Elections: PDP Certain to Appear on Ballot, Says Ajadi as Oyo Governorship Race Gains Momentum

Published

on

2027 Elections: PDP Certain to Appear on Ballot, Says Ajadi as Oyo Governorship Race Gains Momentum

 

 

Ibadan, Oyo State — The leading governorship aspirant in Oyo State under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, has reiterated his intention to contest the 2027 governorship election, affirming his commitment to consolidate on the achievements of Governor Seyi Makinde.

 

 

Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo is being interviewed by the journalists

Ajadi restated his ambition on Wednesday during the PDP Egbeda Local Government general party meeting held at the party secretariat, where party leaders, grassroots mobilisers and supporters gathered to deliberate on party unity and preparations ahead of future elections.

 

 

Speaking with journalists shortly before the commencement of the meeting, Ajadi described himself as a committed grassroots politician and a bona fide member of the PDP from Osengere Ward 8 in Egbeda Local Government Area.

 

“I have come here today to participate in the Egbeda Local Government PDP general meeting as a loyal member of our great party,” he said. “I am also here to reassure my people of my intention to contest for the governorship position in Oyo State in 2027 so as to continue the good legacy established by Governor Seyi Makinde.”

 

Confidence in PDP’s Electoral Participation

Reacting to concerns surrounding internal challenges within the PDP at the national level, Ajadi expressed strong confidence that the party would remain a major contender in the 2027 general elections.

 

I do not want to say anything negative because I believe the fathers and mothers of democracy in Nigeria will not allow anything that undermines democratic principles,” he stated.

 

According to him, the PDP remains a foundational pillar of Nigeria’s democratic journey.

“The PDP is central to the democracy we practise today. I am very sure that PDP will be on the ballot in 2027. Nigerians asked for democracy, not a return to military rule. Therefore, a one-party system is not an option for our country,” Ajadi added.

 

He also emphasised the need to safeguard democratic institutions, particularly the judiciary, stressing that Nigeria’s democracy must continue to operate within the principles of fairness, justice and the rule of law.

 

“By the grace of God, Nigerians will decide their future through democratic means, and I am confident that PDP will reclaim leadership in 2027,” he said.

Call for Unity, Prayers and National Renewal

 

The governorship aspirant used the occasion to call for national unity, urging Nigerians across religious and ethnic divides to embrace peace and collective responsibility, especially during the spiritual seasons of Ramadan and Lent.

 

“The prayers we are offering during Ramadan and Lent should be for peace, unity and positive change in our nation,” Ajadi said. “Muslims, Christians and all Nigerians must remain steadfast in faith and love for one another. Together, we can change the narrative of our country come 2027.”

 

Party Leaders Rally Support

The meeting attracted prominent PDP stakeholders and political leaders from across Egbeda Local Government Area, reflecting growing grassroots mobilisation ahead of the electoral cycle.

 

Among dignitaries present were Deputy Leader of the Oyo State House of Assembly, Hon. Sunkanmi Babalola; Chairman of Egbeda Local Government Council, Hon. Oyedele Sanda; Egbeda PDP Chairman, Chairman Ebenezer Olawale Alawe; and Vice Chairman of Egbeda Local Government Council, Hon. Ibrahim Oladebo, popularly known as Simple.

 

Other party stalwarts in attendance included Leader Busari Olayemi, Elder Caleb Oyelese, Leader Liadi Busari, Mrs. Jumoke Lawal, widely known as Iya Pineapple, and Hon. Lukmon Akinpelu, alongside several ward executives and grassroots mobilisers.

 

Party leaders at the meeting emphasised unity within the PDP structure, noting that sustained grassroots participation remains critical to maintaining the party’s strength in Oyo State politics.

 

Strengthening Grassroots Politics

Political observers at the gathering noted that Ajadi’s continued engagement with party members at the local government level underscores a strategic grassroots approach aimed at strengthening party structures ahead of the 2027 electoral cycle.

 

As preparations for the 2027 elections gradually gather momentum, Ajadi’s consistent reaffirmation of his ambition signals increasing political activities in the state, setting the stage for what promises to be a competitive governorship contest.

Continue Reading

Politics

NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

Published

on

NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

 

The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria

1. Introduction & Rationale

The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.

Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.

The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.

This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.

2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?

The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.

Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.

Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:

In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.

In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.

These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.

The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.

3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion

Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.

After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.

Other patterns of exclusion include:

Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states

Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones

Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens

Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices

These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.

4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People

The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.

From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.

One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.

Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”

Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.

Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.

In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.

Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.

The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.

Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria

5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency

Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.

The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.

A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.

Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.

Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.

Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.

Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.

The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.

Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.

Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.

The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.

It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora

Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.

Notable examples include:

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership

Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing

Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions

The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.

7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP

Vision

A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.

Mission

To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.

Core Values

Peaceful Advocacy

Civic Empowerment

Equity and Fairness

Inclusivity

Democratic Participation

8. Strategic Objectives

Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.

Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.

Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.

Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.

Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.

Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.

9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes

To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:

A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)

A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.

B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)

A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.

C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme

Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.

D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)

To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.

E. Research & Policy Development Wing

A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.

F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project

This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.

10. Organisation & Structure of IPP

The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:

The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.

Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.

National Executive Committee – National leadership team.

International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.

Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.

Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.

Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.

11. Call to Action

This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.

By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.

Our Tomorrow Starts Today!

SIGNED

HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026

Continue Reading

news

Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

Published

on

Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance

 

LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.

Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.

“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.

The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.

The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.

The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.

The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.

Continue Reading

Cover Of The Week

Trending