Politics
Igboho writes President Buhari
Igboho writes President Buhari
By Tunde Odesola
Shugaban Nigeria, ya kwana uku.
SaharaWeeklyNG-Your Excellency, I do not seek to rouse the ghosts of the slain victims of Fulani Ghoulish Nomads (FGN). Before you hasten to add hate speech charge to the list of rootless allegations your rulership has levelled against me, let me quickly state, sir, that ghouls are not only located in northern Nigeria.
They’ve sprouted and taken over every inch of the land ruled by your underachieving regime, wearing the masks of terrorism, corruption, rape, banditry, ritualism and daily bloodshed – kicking Nigeria in the teeth – with no end in sight.
Aare Buhari, though the dead have long buried the dead, their ghosts won’t just rest in peace. So, the spirits of the dead continuously hover over the face of the waters, crying for justice and seeking repose, but getting neither from your bullying regime.
Before my letter reopens the bleeding wounds of the past, permit me to do a brief and formal introduction of myself, sir. My name is Sunday Adeniyi Adeyemo. I’m a 48-year-old indigene of Igboho town in the Oke-Ogun area of Oyo State.
Your Excellency, if Oke-Ogun evokes some sense of utter disdain in you, I understand. It was Oke-Ogun that caused you to storm the Oyo State Governor’s Office, Ibadan, in October 2000, in company with some prominent Fulani leaders, on the allegation that some Yoruba farmers allegedly killed 68 Fulani herdsmen in a reprisal. Do you remember the incident, Baba Yusuf?
God bless his soul, Alhaji Lamidi Adesina, the first executive Governor of Oyo State in the Fourth Republic, who hosted you and your aggrieved entourage from the Caliphate.
Before he spoke on the occasion, Lam, as the governor was popularly called, first called on the state Commissioner of Police, and the state Director, Department of State Services, both of whom told you to your face that the alleged death of 68 Fulani in the hands of Yoruba farmers was untrue.
Lam also called on his deputy, Chief Iyiola Oladokun, the Secretary to the State Government, Chief Michael Koleoso, both indigenes of Oke-Ogun, and the chairman of one of Oke-Ogun LGs, Chief Ademola Alalade, to speak. They all told the truth which indicted the Fulani in Oke-Ogun as the killers of their Yoruba neighbours.
Your Excellency, when he spoke to round off the meeting, Lam advised the Arewa Consultative Forum to seek the unity and peace of Nigeria at all times.
Baba Buhari, though I never attended a university, I’m not illiterate. I can read and I can write, despite starting as a motorcycle repairer. Through hard work, self-improvement coupled with my belief in Ifa, I’m today an employer of labour.
Shugaban Nigeria, just like you don’t write your speeches yourself, I didn’t write this letter myself, too. Baba Zahra, mi o gbo oyinbo nla nla, walahi! I don’t understand big grammar. But I understand justice and truth. This is why the cause I champion, which is the emancipation of the Yoruba from daily killings, victimisation and repression, is being supported by true sons and daughters of Oduduwa. The support is what produced this letter, Your Excellency.
Baba o, I am citizen Igboho, a creation of the abject Nigerian leadership. Like millions of my ilk living in the nooks and crannies of the country, I’m a product of years of government neglect.
When your government kept silent as Fulani herdsmen butchered my people day and night, I embarked on the road called self-help and employed bravery, street wisdom and defiance to rescue my people.
This was after Dr Fatai Aborode, a Europe returnee was killed in his Igangan community of Oke-Ogun by suspected Fulani herdsmen when he complained that his 400-acre cashew farm was eaten up by Fulani cows.
President Buhari, though Aborode’s murder was one death too many, your regime kept silent and did absolutely nothing to assuage the killing or assure the people of Igangan of their safety. Also, a popular herbal trade-medicine practitioner, Alhaji Fatai Yusuf, aka Oko Oloyun, had over a year ago been killed along the Igbo Ora-Eruwa Road in Ibarapa, among many other deaths. Ironically, sir, hundreds of captured Boko Haram terrorists were granted pardon and rehabilitated into the society, after alleged deradicalisation.
Baba Halima, I’m not a criminal. The pervading sense of hopelessness, injustice and insecurity in the South-West was why I went to Igangan and gave the Fulani therein an ultimatum to vacate the land.
Sir, do you know that long after my seven-day ultimatum, the Emir of Muri Empire in Taraba State, Alhaji Abass Tafida, has also given a 30-day ultimatum to Fulani bandits. But he hasn’t been declared wanted.
Your Excellency, as I said early on, I may not understand big big ‘trench, but I can read and I can write.
I read on Sahara Reporters website that the emir didn’t only give a 30-day ultimatum for Fulani killer herdsmen occupying Taraba forests to vacate, he also said, “From now onwards, if anyone is kidnapped from this emirate, we will go into the bush and kill any Fulani man we see.”
General Buhari, if a Yoruba or Igbo monarch had said what Emir Tafida said, the fire emanating thereof from Aso Rock would’ve burnt the crown on the head of such a monarch into ashes. But because the emir is from the North, Aso Rock looked away like a corrupt invigilator who has been bribed by cheating students.
Baba Hadiza, what have I done wrong? I’m only fighting for my people, just like you took up the cause of your people and led a delegation to Lam in October 2000.
Oga Buhari, in 2019, you also led a delegation to the UN General Assembly in New York, where, in your own very words, you advocated ‘the rights of the Palestinian people to have their own country…and live in peace in their land’.
Having said this to the ovation of the world in 2019, President Buhari, what is the justice in your rejection of the clamour for self-determination being championed by me and my comrade, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, when southern lives are not worth a fart under your regime?
Baba Fatima, it’s natural if your health is diminished by old age, but I know your memory is still intact to remember that ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, in 2012, lamented that his government had been infiltrated by Boko Haram terrorists.
Ogagun Buhari, your regime is no better. It’s even worse because whereas it was Jonathan’s government that was infiltrated then, it’s your cabinet that has been infiltrated by Islamic fundamentalism now.
A beloved member of your kitchen cabinet and Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Isa Pantami, had, in a sermon years before he became minister, openly expressed views sympathetic to the notorious al-Qaeda group and Boko Haram, describing the slain al-Qaeda leader, Osama bin Laden, a worthy Muslim. Pantami also expressed happiness that infidels were being massacred.
Infidels in the eyes of the Pantamis peopling your cabinet would be no less than millions of Christians, traditional religionists and believers of other faiths in Nigeria. With such a minister in your cabinet, Mr President, what’s the guarantee that the war against terrorism isn’t a lip-service by your regime?
Only God know how many innocent Nigerians were killed by Islamic terrorists who took up arms against perceived infidels having been fired up by Pantami’s destructive sermons.
Instead of investigating Pantami to check if he had been truly deradicalised or not, the Presidency rose stoutly to his defence and said the leopard has changed its spots.
I, Igboho, didn’t say one-hundredth of what Pantami said. Today, Pantami is a free man but I and the supporters of my cause are being hounded by your regime. Two members of my family were killed when DSS attacked my house. This nepotistic attitude is unbecoming of a father, mujin Aisha.
Your Excellency, I’ll close with the words of your forebear, Uthman Dan Fodio, “Conscience is an open…”
Thank you, sir.
Independence to Irrelevance: How Nigeria Is Now Governed in Exile
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
When Nigeria gained independence in 1960, there was a collective sigh of relief and pride. The shackles of colonial domination were cast off, and a new dawn beckoned with promises of self-determination, prosperity, and national dignity. But over six decades later, the hope that once inspired our founding fathers now lies buried under the rubble of poor leadership, foreign dependence, and a shocking lack of direction. Today, the bitter truth is this: Nigeria is no longer governed from Abuja, but from hotel suites and foreign palaces abroad.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is currently in France on what is being described—rather vaguely—as a “working visit,” while his Vice President, Kashim Shettima, is in Senegal for another official engagement. These frequent overseas excursions have become a defining feature of their administration. Far from isolated diplomatic efforts, they now represent a disturbing pattern: the government of Nigeria is effectively run from abroad, disconnected from the people and indifferent to the nation’s crises.
Since assuming office in May 2023, President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima have embarked on nearly 50 trips to over 30 countries, spending a combined total of nearly 200 days outside Nigeria. Countries visited include France (multiple times), the United Kingdom, the United States, Saudi Arabia, India, Qatar, Kenya, South Africa, the Netherlands, and the UAE. While some of these visits were linked to multilateral conferences or investment summits, the opacity surrounding many of the trips—especially those to France and the UK—raises serious questions. Are these truly “working visits,” or are they cleverly disguised medical vacations?
Even if we concede the need for international diplomacy and outreach, the timing, frequency, and sheer disregard for domestic issues are appalling. Nigeria today is a nation in distress. From widespread insecurity—banditry, kidnappings, assassinations—to rampant unemployment, food inflation, and a collapsing naira, the country is bleeding on all fronts. In such a moment of national crisis, one would expect a president to stay grounded, to lead from the front, not from Paris or Dubai.
What is even more infuriating is the repeated justification for these junkets: “securing foreign investment.” But must we travel cap in hand to foreign lands begging for investment? What have these trips yielded in tangible economic value? Where are the factories built, the jobs created, or the capital inflows attributed directly to these travels? Apart from the Obasanjo/Atiku administration—which famously negotiated the Paris Club debt relief and expanded the telecoms and banking sectors—what legacy of foreign investment has any administration after 2007 left behind?
Tinubu’s handlers claim his economic diplomacy is strategic, but the reality on the ground says otherwise. Foreign investors are not flocking to Nigeria. In fact, they are leaving in droves. In the past year alone, major multinational firms like Procter & Gamble, GlaxoSmithKline, and Sanofi have either scaled down operations or exited Nigeria entirely. Why? The reasons are glaring: harsh business conditions, unpredictable policies, skyrocketing inflation, over-taxation, and a regulatory environment that chokes innovation.
According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), capital importation into Nigeria dropped by over 30% in 2023, with many investors citing insecurity, policy inconsistency, and forex instability as major deterrents. No investor wants to commit capital to a nation where there is no power, no infrastructure, and no clear plan.
Instead of chasing foreign capital abroad, why not fix the fundamentals at home? Provide power. Ensure security. Simplify taxation. Uphold the rule of law. These are the things that attract investors—not foreign handshakes and photo ops in European capitals.
Furthermore, no foreign investor will commit to a nation that cannot feed itself. Nigeria’s food crisis is spiraling out of control. Inflation on staple items has crossed 30%, and hunger now stares millions in the face. Yet, farmers cannot access their farmlands due to insecurity. What serious economic policy can ignore food security as a cornerstone of national development?
If Tinubu truly seeks to attract investment, let him start by making the country safe. Investors—local or foreign—thrive in a climate of peace and predictability. No businessman will invest in a country where kidnappers roam free, terrorists ambush highways, and the national grid collapses every other week.
It is also worth noting that Nigeria’s foreign policy has become one of aimless wandering. Where is our national interest in all these trips? What bilateral gains have we negotiated? What trade deals have been signed? What is our Africa policy? Are we leading the continent or being led? A nation of over 200 million people—Africa’s largest economy and most populous nation—should not be a diplomatic drifter without compass or credibility.
The truth is that Nigeria’s leadership under the current APC administration lacks a coherent vision. This is a government that believes in photo-ops more than policy, appearances more than substance. Leadership is not travel. Leadership is staying close to the people, understanding their pain, and crafting bold solutions that inspire hope.
But there is hope. Nigeria has not completely run out of options. One man, who played a significant role in steering Nigeria towards prosperity in the early 2000s, still stands tall with a track record that speaks louder than rhetoric. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the Waziri of Adamawa, remains a voice of reason and a repository of experience.
Atiku was instrumental in the economic transformation witnessed during the Obasanjo years—privatizing inefficient public enterprises, attracting foreign investment, and securing international debt forgiveness. He understands governance. He understands economics. And more importantly, he understands the Nigerian people.
While others run from the nation’s problems, Atiku has consistently offered solutions. He has warned against excessive borrowing, called for restructuring, and emphasized the need for economic diversification. He is not a perfect man, but he is a prepared man—prepared to rescue Nigeria from the edge of the abyss.
It is time Nigerians looked beyond propaganda and tribal loyalty. We must rise and demand accountability, dignity, and real leadership. The presidency is not a retirement home or a travel agency. It is the most sacred responsibility in the land. Let us not continue in silence as our nation is governed remotely by absentee leaders more concerned with their comfort than our future.
Let us support leaders who live among us, feel our pain, and are willing to make the hard choices needed to reposition our country. Let us support Atiku Abubakar and others like him in their effort to recover, rebuild, and reimagine Nigeria. Our country deserves more than foreign pity—it deserves true leadership.
God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
George Omagbemi Sylvester writes from Johannesburg, South Africa.
Power to Poison: How Toxic Politics Is Destroying Nigeria’s Democracy and Future
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
Nigeria’s political landscape in 2025 is best described as a battlefield of corruption, impunity, and institutional decay. Toxic politics has infested all arms of government—from the executive to the legislature and the judiciary—crippling national development and eroding public trust. Power is no longer a tool for service; it has become a weapon for suppression, self-enrichment, and systemic injustice. As the nation grapples with economic stagnation and widespread insecurity, the conduct of its political elite continues to alienate the populace and entrench hopelessness.
Executive Overreach: A Democracy Under Siege
In March 2025, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu stunned the nation by declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State, Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland. The federal government suspended the duly elected governor, deputy governor, and all members of the state assembly, citing uncontained pipeline vandalism and militant activities. In their place, a retired vice admiral was appointed to oversee the state’s affairs for six months.
This executive action, seen by many as a constitutional overreach, drew swift condemnation from legal experts, civil society, and opposition leaders. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) described the act as “a dangerous usurpation of democratic authority and a slide toward authoritarianism.” Legal analysts warned that allowing the president to unilaterally suspend elected officials under vague security pretenses sets a terrifying precedent—one where democracy can be dismantled on a whim.
The international community, including the African Union and ECOWAS, expressed concern over the erosion of Nigeria’s federal structure. While Tinubu’s administration defended its move as necessary to restore order, many see it as a political maneuver to neutralize dissent in a state known for opposition leanings.
The Rot in the Legislature: Corruption, Sexism, and Retribution
Toxicity in the legislative arm was on full display when Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment and political intimidation. Rather than addressing the serious allegations, the Senate retaliated by suspending her for six months over unrelated claims of “disruptive behavior.” The timing of the suspension raised widespread suspicion, and critics described it as a blatant abuse of parliamentary power.
The suspension ignited protests across the country under the slogan “We Are All Natasha.” Women’s groups and human rights organizations condemned the Senate’s action as misogynistic and retaliatory, exposing the entrenched patriarchy within Nigeria’s highest lawmaking body. Despite boasting over 100 senators, only about 8% are women, a glaring statistic that reflects the systemic barriers to female political participation.
Meanwhile, numerous legislators continue to face allegations of budget padding, contract inflation, and illegal constituency project allocations—yet few have been held accountable. The legislature has become a sanctuary for corrupt elites, shielded by procedural immunity and partisan loyalty.
Judiciary on Trial: Corruption, Compromise, and Complicity
The judiciary, theoretically the last hope of the common man, has not been spared. In 2024, the National Judicial Council (NJC) sanctioned multiple judges—two were compulsorily retired for falsifying their ages, and two others suspended for bribery-related offenses. But these internal corrective measures have failed to cleanse the judiciary of its deep-seated corruption.
A damning report by the National Bureau of Statistics in collaboration with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in late 2024 ranked the judiciary as Nigeria’s most corrupt institution. Judges were found to be the highest recipients of bribes, surpassing police officers and tax officials.
This perception is damaging not just for the judiciary but for the rule of law itself. Lengthy trial procedures, endless adjournments, and politically influenced verdicts have become the norm. In several high-profile corruption cases, suspects walked free due to “lack of evidence,” despite overwhelming public documentation and media investigations.
The Patience Jonathan Saga: Power, Privilege, and Injustice
In a disturbing episode that underscores Nigeria’s elite impunity, former First Lady Patience Jonathan reportedly had several of her aides imprisoned for six years over allegations of stealing her jewelry—items that, according to investigative reports, were themselves acquired from looted public funds.
These aides, held without fair trial or substantive evidence, were denied basic legal rights. It was only after a protracted legal battle and pressure from human rights organizations that the truth began to emerge: not only were the allegations fabricated, but the items in question were part of illicitly acquired assets linked to public funds looted during her husband’s administration.
This saga is not just a tale of personal vendetta—it is a chilling reminder of how power in Nigeria is often weaponized against the powerless. The victims were collateral damage in a broader culture of impunity, where the elite operate above the law while ordinary citizens suffer the consequences of their greed and abuse.
Economic Cost of Corruption: A Nation Bleeding
Nigeria’s economic woes are inseparable from its political corruption. The Anti-Corruption Agencies of Nigeria estimate that over $18 billion is lost annually to graft and financial crimes—an amount equivalent to nearly 4% of Nigeria’s GDP in 2022. The impact is felt across every sector: failing hospitals, underfunded schools, collapsed infrastructure, and rising poverty.
Notable scandals like the Malabu Oil deal, the $2.1 billion arms deal under former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki, and Diezani Alison-Madueke’s luxury asset seizures in the UK and US have become symbols of elite plunder. In 2025, the U.S. repatriated $52.88 million in assets linked to Alison-Madueke, including high-end real estate and a luxury yacht. While such recoveries are welcome, they are mere drops in an ocean of stolen wealth.
Anti-Corruption Battles: Justice or Just Optics?
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) boasts over 1,000 convictions, but critics argue that many are token victories. The agency is frequently accused of being a political tool—swift to prosecute opposition figures but slow to act against allies of the ruling party.
Institutional weaknesses plague anti-corruption efforts. The EFCC and Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) are underfunded, politically manipulated, and struggle with outdated laws. Most corruption trials stretch for years, with wealthy defendants exploiting legal loopholes and endless adjournments.
The Way Forward: Reforms or Ruin
To break the cycle of toxic politics, Nigeria must pursue deep institutional reforms. These include:
Judicial Independence: Secure tenure and adequate funding for judges, alongside digital case management systems to prevent manipulation and delay.
Legislative Accountability: Open parliament sessions, public access to legislative votes, and stringent asset declarations.
Executive Restraint: Clear constitutional limits on presidential powers, with stronger checks from state governments and civil society.
Civic Engagement: Mass civic education and support for independent media to foster public awareness and accountability.
International Partnerships: Continued collaboration with global agencies for asset tracking, prosecution, and repatriation.
Nigeria can draw lessons from countries like Botswana and Rwanda, which have significantly reduced corruption through technology-driven governance, transparent budgeting, and rigorous law enforcement.
A Nation at the Crossroads
Nigeria’s political class has turned public office into a theatre of toxic ambition and moral bankruptcy. The executive abuses power, the legislature is riddled with corruption, and the judiciary is compromised. This triad of dysfunction not only sabotages national progress but endangers the very fabric of the democratic state.
Only a united citizenry, armed with truth, vigilance, and civic action, can reclaim Nigeria from the grip of political decay. The time to act is now—before the last remnants of justice, equity, and accountability are completely extinguished.
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