society
Justice or Political Optics? EFCC, Yahaya Bello, and the Dangerous Illusion of Innocence
Justice or Political Optics? EFCC, Yahaya Bello, and the Dangerous Illusion of Innocence.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“How the Rule of Law Is Being Tested by Power, Party Loyalty, and Public Distrust.”
The declaration by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) that former Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Adoza Bello, remains “innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction” has reignited a fierce national debate and one that goes far beyond legal technicalities and strikes at the heart of Nigeria’s credibility in the fight against corruption.
On paper, the EFCC’s position is constitutionally sound. Section 36(5) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) clearly states that every person charged with a criminal offence shall be presumed innocent until proven guilty. No democrat, no matter how critical of government, can legitimately dispute this principle.
Yet, in practice, Nigeria’s problem has never been the absence of laws, but it has always been the selective application of those laws.
The Charges and the Legal Process.
Yahaya Bello, who served as governor of Kogi State from 2016 to 2024, is standing trial over serious allegations of financial impropriety, including money laundering and misappropriation of public funds running into tens of billions of naira. The EFCC alleges that state funds were siphoned through proxies and shell arrangements, with properties acquired in high-value locations within and outside Nigeria.
The Commission maintains that it has followed due process, filing charges before a competent court and presenting witnesses and documentary evidence. The defence, on the other hand, argues that Bello’s name does not appear directly as a beneficiary in some transactions and that withdrawals cited were part of routine government operations.
This legal contestation is now before the judiciary, where evidence, cross-examination and judicial reasoning (not media narratives) will determine the final outcome.
EFCC spokespersons have reiterated that the agency does not convict; courts do. As one official succinctly put it, “It is not the EFCC that will declare anyone guilty. That responsibility lies squarely with the court.”
Presumption of Innocence vs. Public Reality.
While the law insists on presumption of innocence, public opinion tells a very different story.
Across Nigeria, from civil society spaces to academic circles and online platforms, a dominant perception has crystallized: many Nigerians believe Yahaya Bello is guilty, and that the system is merely buying time, managing outrage, and shielding power.
This belief is not born of sentiment alone. It is shaped by patterns Nigerians have observed repeatedly, where politically exposed persons aligned with the ruling party enjoy prolonged legal sympathy, procedural caution and rhetorical softness that rarely extend to opposition figures or politically expendable actors.
Political economist Dr. Pat Utomi once observed that “corruption in Nigeria thrives not because it is hidden, but because it is protected.” To many Nigerians, the Bello case fits squarely into this troubling pattern.
The APC Factor and Allegations of Selective Justice.
A central question continues to haunt public discourse:
Would this case be unfolding the same way if Yahaya Bello were not associated with the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC)?
This is where the EFCC’s moral burden becomes heavier. Critics argue that party affiliation has become an unofficial shield, blurring the line between legal prudence and political protection.
Human rights lawyer Inibehe Effiong has warned that “when justice appears partisan, it ceases to be justice and becomes performance.” That warning resonates powerfully here. Nigerians are not necessarily rejecting the rule of law; they are questioning why the rule of law seems elastic for the powerful and unforgiving for the powerless.
Former President Olusegun Obasanjo captured this national frustration bluntly when he stated:
“Nigeria does not lack laws; it lacks political will.”
For many observers, the Bello prosecution exposes precisely this deficit of will.
EFCC, Credibility, and the Burden of Trust.
The EFCC occupies a delicate space in Nigeria’s democracy. It is both a symbol of hope and a subject of suspicion. Its success depends not only on convictions, but on public trust.
When the Commission vigorously pursues certain individuals while appearing cautious or conciliatory toward others of equal or greater alleged culpability, it fuels the narrative of double standards. This perception (whether the EFCC accepts it or not) undermines its institutional authority.
Legal scholar Professor Adegoke Adelabu notes that:
“Anti-corruption agencies lose legitimacy not when cases fail, but when citizens believe outcomes are predetermined by politics rather than evidence.”
In the Bello case, even as the EFCC insists on legal propriety, the optics suggest hesitation, and that an impression that the agency is walking on eggshells because of political power dynamics.
Judiciary as the Final Arbiter.
Ultimately, the courts remain the last line of defense against injustice, both against wrongful conviction and against elite impunity. Nigerian judges are constitutionally empowered to weigh evidence, dismiss weak cases and convict where guilt is proven beyond reasonable doubt.
However, the judiciary does not operate in a vacuum. Delays, adjournments, and procedural battles, though sometimes legally justified, often reinforce public cynicism, especially in high-profile corruption cases involving political heavyweights.
As respected jurist Justice Chukwudifu Oputa once warned:
“Justice delayed may be justice denied—not only to the accused, but to society.”
A Nation Tired of Legal Semantics.
For millions of Nigerians battling poverty, insecurity, and collapsing public services, this case is no longer just about Yahaya Bello. It is about whether accountability in Nigeria is real or selective.
To them, repeated reminders of “innocent until proven guilty” sound hollow when everyday Nigerians are punished swiftly and harshly for far lesser offences. The anger is not against the Constitution; it is against a system that appears to weaponize legality to protect the elite.
In the court of public opinion, many Nigerians have already reached their conclusion, not because they hate due process, but because experience has taught them how power behaves in Nigeria.
Final Reflection: Law, Power, and the Future of Accountability.
The EFCC is correct in law: only a court can pronounce guilt. But the Nigerian people are also correct in sentiment: justice must be seen to be fair, fearless, and consistent.
If Yahaya Bello is eventually acquitted based on evidence, the nation must accept it. But if the process collapses under political pressure, procedural manipulation, or endless delay, it will confirm the darkest fears of a people who already believe that APC membership comes with legal insurance.
As the late legal icon Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) once declared:
“A society that abandons equal justice invites chaos disguised as order.”
Nigeria stands at that crossroads today. The Bello case is not just a trial, it is a test of conscience, for the EFCC, the judiciary, and the political class. History will remember not the press statements, but whether justice was truly done.
society
BREAKING: Onireti Appointed Director-General of City Boy Movement in Oyo State
*BREAKING: Onireti Appointed Director-General of City Boy Movement in Oyo State*
The political atmosphere in Oyo State recorded a major development on Monday with the appointment of Hon. Olufemi Onireti as the new Director-General of the City Boy Movement, the grassroots mobilisation structure championing support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu across the country.
The appointment was announced by the movement’s Director-General, Mr Francis Shoga, in Abuja on Tuesday during the handover of the appointment letter to Onireti.
This is coming days after his resignation from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where he had been an active figure and former House of Representatives candidate.
His new role is expected to reposition the group’s activities and strengthen its outreach ahead of future political engagements in Oyo State.
According to the movement’s leadership, Onireti was chosen based on his “wide political network, proven organisational capacity and strong presence among the youth and grassroots stakeholders.”
Speaking with newsmen, Onireti expressed gratitude for the confidence reposed in him and pledged to deploy his experience to advance the objectives of the City Boy Movement across the state.
Onireti said his decision to join the ruling party was a personal conviction shaped by ongoing political realignments and his commitment to supporting a broader progressive coalition at both state and national levels.
Hon. Onireti added that his appointment followed extensive consultations and harmonisation with his followers.
He assured supporters that his leadership would prioritise inclusiveness, strategic mobilisation and effective communication.
“I am committed to galvanising our structures and ensuring that Oyo State remains a stronghold for the ideals we stand for,” he said.
Political observers note that his appointment may shift the dynamics of political mobilisation in Oyo State, given his influence and recent political moves.
The City Boy Movement is expected to unveil its new operational roadmap in the coming days.
The movement, a prominent youth-driven support platform advancing President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda, positions Onireti to lead its grassroots mobilisation efforts in Oyo as part of its national structure ahead of the 2027 elections.
society
Ariko Church Attack: IGP Disu Deploys DIG As Police Rescue Seven Kidnap Victims
Ariko Church Attack: IGP Disu Deploys DIG As Police Rescue Seven Kidnap Victims
The Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Rilwan Disu, has ordered the immediate deployment of the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of Operations, Shehu Umar Nadada, to Kaduna State following a deadly bandit attack on Ariko Village near Gurara Dam.
The assault, which occurred on April 5, 2026, targeted worshippers at ECWA and Catholic churches in the community, with gunmen opening fire indiscriminately. Five persons were confirmed dead, while no fewer than fourteen others were abducted during the coordinated হাম.
In a swift operational response, the police high command mandated a high-level intervention, tasking DIG Nadada with leading on-the-ground coordination of security efforts aimed at stabilising the area and facilitating the safe recovery of the victims.
Security operations conducted in collaboration with the Nigerian Army and the Department of State Services (DSS) have already yielded results, with seven of the abducted persons rescued. The victims were evacuated to Katari Hospital for urgent medical attention and are reported to be in stable condition, awaiting reunification with their families.
Police authorities disclosed that tactical operations remain ongoing to secure the release of the remaining captives and apprehend those responsible for the ആക്രമം, underscoring a renewed push to degrade criminal networks operating within the axis.
Reaffirming the Force’s commitment to public safety, the IGP called on residents to remain vigilant and support ongoing operations by providing credible and actionable intelligence to security agencies.
society
The Unfinished Rescue Mission: Ten Reasons Zamfara Must Re-elect Governor Dauda Lawal in 2027
The Unfinished Rescue Mission: Ten Reasons Zamfara Must Re-elect Governor Dauda Lawal in 2027
By Oladapo Sofowora
In the resilient heart of Northwestern Nigeria, a different kind of storm is blowing hard. It is not the whirlwind of banditry that has long defined Zamfara State, but the quiet, determined tempest of reconstruction and recalibration done by Governor Dauda Lawal, who took the reins of a state gasping for air choked by insecurity, bankrupt of spirit, and paralyzed by decades of maladministration steering it to the path of prosperity. Three years into his first term, the landscape is shifting and the story is changing for the better. Yet, every revolution needs time to root. For Zamfara indigenes, here are ten detailed reasons why they must hand Governor Dauda Lawal another mandate to steer the state to the promised land, so as to enable him to finish the work he has so boldly begun.
1. The Security Recalibration
For years, Zamfara’s security apparatus was reactive, arriving after villages had been razed, but Governor Lawal changed the paradigm with a shift. He didn’t just procure guns; he built a comprehensive Zamfara Community Guard integrated with local vigilantes and formal military intelligence that has served its purpose of gathering local intelligence and sharing it with security agencies to tackle all sorts of insecurity in the state. His administration invested over ₦4 billion in surveillance drones, armoured personnel carriers, and rapid-response communication towers across the 14 local government areas. The result? A 60% reduction in major attacks in the last 18 months. Another term means expanding this network to the most remote forests of Tsafe and Maradun, finally breaking the spine of the criminal enclaves. One term was used to stabilize the patient; a second term handed to him will cure the disease totally.
2. The Restoration of Integrity in the Civil Service Structure
Before Lawal, Zamfara’s civil service was a graveyard of productivity, infested with “ghost workers” who drained the treasury, leveraging a lacuna created by the previous administration. Upon resumption, the Governor commissioned a forensic biometric audit in which over 5,000 fictitious names were expunged from the payroll, saving the state over ₦1.2 billion monthly. More importantly, he cleared 18 months of salary arrears inherited from the previous administration within his first 100 days. A second term handed to him via the ballot will focus on capacity building and promotions based on merit, transforming the bureaucracy from a parasitic entity into an engine of service delivery.
3. The Educational State of Emergency
Banditry had turned over 300 schools into abandoned ruins, with teachers fleeing and children being abducted. Governor Lawal declared a state of emergency on education. He has since reconstructed 200 primary schools with fortified walls and secure hostels. The “School Feeding and Safe Return” program brought back 150,000 out-of-school children. But the job is half done. The remaining 150 schools in high-risk zones need the same treatment. Re-electing Lawal means ensuring no child in Zamfara has to choose between a bullet and a book.
4. Functioning Primary Healthcare Across the State
For a decade, rural Zamfara relied on patent medicine sellers for life-saving care. Governor Lawal refurbished 147 Primary Healthcare Centers (PHCs), equipping each with solar power, vaccines, and at least two resident nurses. He launched the Zamfara Health Voucher Scheme, giving 50,000 vulnerable women free antenatal and delivery care. The time of medical pilgrimage is over as the state now boasts of a functioning MRI machine among other sophisticated medical machines. A second term will see the full completion and upgrade of three zonal general hospitals in Gusau, Kaura Namoda, and Anka, bringing surgery and emergency care within reach of every citizen.
5. Agricultural Revolution
Zamfara is a state predominantly with farmers; true to its slogan, ‘Farming is our pride’, despite the rich soil, farmers are poor and are being terrorized from their farmlands due to insecurity. Lawal’s “Farming Without Fear” initiative partnered with the military to create secure agricultural corridors during planting and harvest seasons. He distributed drought-resistant seeds and solar-powered water pumps to 40,000 farmers. The state’s rice and maize output tripled last year. Yet, the missing link is processing. With a cargo airport in place and a readily available market, there will be a major boost in agricultural business in the state. A second term will see the establishment of a staple crop processing zone (SCPZ) in Gusau, turning raw produce into export-ready goods and ending the exploitation of middlemen.
6. The Portable Water Revolution
Gusau and its environs relied on a water treatment plant built in 1978. It was a relic, but Governor Lawal secured a ₦15 billion loan from the World Bank to rehabilitate the Damaturu Water Scheme, increasing daily capacity from 15 million to 50 million liters. For the first time in a generation, taps are flowing in Talata Mafara and Shinkafi. But some rural communities still trek for hours to get portable drinking water. A second term will extend this reticulated network to 200 additional rural communities, making water a right, not a luxury.
7. The Economic Inclusion of Empowering Women and Youth
Banditry thrived because idle young men were easily lured. Lawal countered this with the Zamfara Youth Empowerment Trust (ZAYET), training 10,000 youths in tailoring, ICT, and solar installation, and giving them startup capital. His Kaura Economic Stimulus provided 20,000 women with ₦50,000 each to revive small-scale trading. The recidivism rate into crime among beneficiaries is less than 2%. A second term will scale this to reach all 147 wards, ensuring that the economic ladder is long enough for every willing citizen to climb.
8. Transparency and Accountability in Governance Pact
Governor Lawal is the first Zamfara governor to publish monthly financial statements on the state government website, including details of every constituency project actualized. He voluntarily subjected the state’s accounts to a forensic audit by the EFCC and ICPC; a move his predecessors fought to block. The result is a restored relationship with international donors (UNDP, EU), who have returned to fund developmental projects across the state because Governor Lawal puts to use every fund given with accountability. One term has proven his integrity; a second term will institutionalize it, creating a culture of governance where public funds are put to judicious use without being siphoned.
9. Justice Sector Reform by Decongesting the Prisons and Prosecuting the Convicted
Zamfara’s prisons were incubators for radicalization, filled with petty offenders and low-level herders, while bandit kingpins roamed freely across the state. Lawal’s administration, in partnership with the judiciary, released 1,200 detainees held for minor offenses without trial, decongesting the facilities. Simultaneously, a specialized mobile court has secured 50 convictions against bandit collaborators and informants. A second term will focus on building a modern correctional center and strengthening the witness protection program, ensuring that justice is both swift and safe to administer.
10. The Legacy of Resilience in Rebuilding Social Trust
The most profound reason to re-elect Dauda Lawal is the hope his administration brings. He inherited a traumatized populace that no longer believed the state could protect them. Today, markets in Gusau stay open past 6 PM. Farmers sleep in their own homes instead of bush hideouts. Internally displaced persons are voluntarily returning to their ancestral lands. This psychological shift from fear to cautious optimism is the most fragile and precious asset Zamfara has gained. Destroying it by returning to the old ways would be catastrophic. A second term will solidify this trust, transforming resilience into permanent recovery.
Governor Dauda Lawal has not performed miracles in one term; miracles are for saints, not statesmen. But what he has done is to perform the harder task ahead. He has laid a solid foundation of competence, security, and integrity where there was only rubble. The Zamfara of today does not need a new experiment; it needs the continuation of a working plan already in motion. Re-electing Dauda Lawal again is not about rewarding the past; it is about securing the future ahead. The first term broke the curse of neglect; the second term will recalibrate the fortune of the state to prosperity.
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