Politics
Kukah’s Cross of Nationalism And The Burden of Buhari’s Presidency
Kukah’s Cross of Nationalism And The Burden of Buhari’s Presidency.
By Dr Bolaji O. Akinyemi
Who is Luis Farrakhan? That was the very first word that reverberated from an old TV set when justice was being done to a nice meal. Hardly do I get distracted when tending to a meal. But not on this occasion. Louis Farrakhan was a lousy brand, polished in eloquent language, but screwed up in bigotry. He was ekking a living and gaining global attention. 1998 was his loudest. He got paid from Nigeria’s Oil money, without any value added to our nation and even got a street named after him. Eleke Crescent for that matter! In a bid to get even with the American Government who immortalised Kudirat Abiola’s memory on American soil, the junta Government Buhari served threw our pearls to the swine. Little or nothing was known about Louis Farrakhan.
Holding to power has become a struggle for Sanni Abacha and his allies. Buhari was in charge of PTF, one of the fraudulent units with which Abacha was siphoning money. The Petroleum Trust Fund, PTF was also one of the cartels sustaining and funding the propaganda machineries of Abacha Government. The one million man march, with another mischievous Kanu as the convener was fashioned after Louis’s and ended up getting a chunk of our national cake through PTF in Niara and Kobo. And to think that the Naira wasn’t crippled as it is today under Buhari! Luis Farrakhan visited Nigeria to add his oratory emptiness to the noisome pestilence the Abacha Government has become to Nigerians and got paid by Muhammadu Buhari’s PTF. Buhari may be taciturn but he is an experienced propagandist as we can see from this administration since 2015. He has done tremendously well in the media than the reality on ground.
Faced with the eloquent rantings of Luis Farrakhan, Nigerians dearly needed to know who this American “freedom fighter” who once idolized Adolf Hitler was. His coming to promote the continuation of a Junta Government on the African soil of Nigeria raised so many questions.
Rev, Father Matthew Kukah, was a Priest of the Catholic Church, who was expected to know just enough of Cathcisim to keep his parishioners coming to his parish for mass. It was he, however, who solved the riddle that Luis Farrakhan has become to the Nigerian public. He gave definition to Louis’s personality is such dramatic way that made me full at the dinner table. His intelligence became my satisfaction and he won my admiration and national attention from that day. What were his words? “Who is Louis Farrakhan? He asked rhetorically, and answered. Louis Farrakhan is an hungry American looking for cheap publicity. With such few but potent words, the effusive balloon of propaganda that was hanging over our national space was deflated. Luis left Nigeria with a deflated ego which he has never been able to recover from.
What are the things Matthew Hassan Kukah and Mohammadu Buhari has in common? The former is naturalized Nigerian, the latter a first generation nationalised Nigeria. Kukah is a cross carpenter who has fashioned his faith as a bridge across tribes and religions. Buhari unfortunately has a blurred vision of what the Crescent stands for and represents. The Crescent for him has risen over a tribe (Fulani), who must have ownership of Nigeria. The reflection of the light of the Crescent for Buhari is limited to a region (the North). Islam is not reason for Buhari’s lack of sight, for the light of the Crescent that Buhari has sought to dim through bigotry is still clearly seen by other faithfuls of the religion of peace like the Sultan, Sheikh Gumi, Northern Muslims Professionals are walking the cross of a united Nigeria with Kukah and several other nationalist, among whom is the People’s Senator Sanni Shehu.
Event in the media, since Matthew Hassan Kukah delivered his Christmas homily from the city of the Caliphate; from where the Sultan had earlier cried the same cry should neccessarily be put in perspective
Father Matthew Kukah since his dramatic introduction to the nation has at different occasions stepped out of his parishes to adorn our national platform.
Lai Mohammed, like other Buharist, has failed to see objectivity in Father Kukah’s call to Buhari on the State of the Nation, in their usual attitude of ‘Buhari can do no wrong’. Lai Mohammed said, ‘while religious leaders have responsibility to speak truth to power, such truth must not come wrapped in anger’. I beg your pardon! Honourable Minister, you seems to have forgotten that anger is a companion of hunger, and consequently a nation subjected to untold hunger must have plenty of anger in their tone. The wraps of anger on our communication is none of our doing, but of this administration that has wrapped the nation in hunger. Our farmers upon whom we rely for food supply are wrapped in the blanket of death except they obtain military permission to go to their own farms. This administration has inadvertently invited not just the anger of the people but also the wrath of Allah of Islam the religion of peace.
Matthew Hassan Kukah has show class of a Nationalist that Buhari can only wish for in his next world. Buhari whose brotherhood of the Fulani herdsmen comes ahead of the country called Nigeria, once led his people who have not suffered half what Kukah’s tribe has under Buhari’s Presidency, in protest to the Oyo State Government House. Kukah is yet to be overtaken by such anger that inspired Buhari’s leadership of Fulani herdsmen to Oyo State Government house.
Buharist has gone to dig up all manner of information to smear the impeccable record of Matthew Hassan Kukah, one of which is his membership of the Board of Atiku’s American University in Yola. Which for any reasonable Nigerian is an honour to the administration of education and a privilege to Atiku’s contribution to education to be so dignified by the erudite scholar and global citizen.
May be we should investigate Matthew Hassan Kukah, same way he did, Louis Farrakhan, by asking, who is Matthew Hassan Kukah?
He served as the Secretary General of the Catholic Bishop Conference before his consecration to the office of the Bishop. Presently the Catholic Bishop of the Diocese of Sokoto. In 1999 to 2001, he was Secretary Nigerian Investigation Commission of Human Right Violation. Secretary National Political Reform Conference of 2005.
Matthew Hassan Kukah is a Colossus on the landscape of Nigeria whose contribution to nation building can never be demeaned by rants of insensitive political dogs and baboons whose bathing in blood he sought to end with his Christmas homily. He was the presidential facilitator who negotiated an end to the hostilities between Shell Petroleum Development Company and Ogoni people from 2007 to 2009. He is the Chairman of the Interreligious Dialogue Committee for Bishop Conference of both Nigeria and West Africa. A very visible member of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, Vatican City. Buharist, will not cease to amaze us by asking a person most qualified to be begged for word to keep quiet.
Kukah holds a Bachelor of Divinity from St. Augustine’s Seminary. He earned a Master Degree in Peace Studies at the University of Bradford in 1980, and a Doctorate Degree from the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1990. He was Senior Rhodes Scholar at St Anthony College (2001-2003), Oxford. A Mason Fellow at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, where he earned a Master Degree in Public Policy.
If only the Buharists knew that hidden behind the pulpit, though a man of little stature like Apostle Paul was a man of great learning and a giant from which this Government can find help if they will humble themselves.
Kukah is not just another paper crazy Nigerian in search of certificates to dignify their emptiness, libraries across the globe are enriched with the publications of the Scholar of no mean reputation. Lay your hands on, “Religion Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria” (1992), and your foolishness will be dispelled. “Towards a Just, Democratic Nigeria” (1995), has the capacity to heal not just Mohammadu Buhari but all Buharists. With
“Democracy and Civil Society in Nigeria” (1998) we stand a better management of our pubic space and communication engineering. “Witness to Justice”, published in 2011 would have prepared Buhari for the responsibility for which he is grossly failing had he owned a copy.
Kukah is an institution from which all Nigerians desirous of a better deal for our nationhood must continue to learn. The founder of Kukah Center, a public policy Think tank with focus on faith and public policy in Abuja and Kaduna.
Kukah is an institution we can not ignore if we sincerely hope to find our path to a better and greater Nigeria.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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