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LAGOS GOVERNORSHIP ELECTION, WHY GRV FAILED -Kayode Salako …MY LABOUR  PARTY STORY PART 1

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LAGOS GOVERNORSHIP ELECTION, WHY GRV FAILED -Kayode Salako ...MY LABOUR  PARTY STORY PART 1

LAGOS GOVERNORSHIP ELECTION, WHY GRV FAILED -Kayode Salako

…MY LABOUR 

PARTY STORY PART 1

Immediately I gave him the ticket almost effortlessly, without the usual politicking and horse-trading, he started misbehaving, and making unhidden/uncultured moves to push me aside from his project.
I had thought I would help him get the ticket, and the project would be our project. The project of the party and the good people of Lagos.  I had thought we would run things together to achieve the success together.
My avowed mission then was to win Lagos for Labour Party, so that I can make a name for myself as the State Chairman who wrestled power from the ruling party.
I didn’t know much about him. I didn’t even bother to know. Badly enough, I didn’t even know he couldn’t write/speak the language of the state he wants to govern.
He hid his nature from me.
LAGOS GOVERNORSHIP ELECTION, WHY GRV FAILED -Kayode Salako ...MY LABOUR  PARTY STORY PART 1
I didn’t even know he has a popular Igbo name. I only knew that his wife and mother are Igbos, which to me, would even make our party to get good votes from the Igbo population during the election.
But, immediately he got the ticket, he started running things all alone with his people.
He sidelined almost all the Yorubas and prominent leaders and elders on the platform, and suddenly became purely Igbo inclined.
 Nothing Yoruba was ever attractive to him again.
He stopped listening to me, or anybody in the party – not even the elders and leaders I reported him to, on few occasions.
He eventually did away with me. And, when I reported him to the elders and leaders in our party the first time, hear what he rudely said to me, his State Chairman as at the time:
‘I am so mad at you right now Mr. Salako. Am I  owing you anything, or sharing your wife with you?! Do you think I don’t have a mind of my own, when I decided I want to come out to be governor. You can’t be sounding like a godfather in my life on this project. I don’t need a godfather, or anybody to keep telling me what to do. I have a mind of my own. Please, tell me. If I am owing you anything, I will pay you. Am I owing you anything, or what?! I am so mad at you right now. Am I sharing your wife with you, or owing you and your wife anything?! …”
This response was openly in the presence of all the leaders and elders that were present at the meeting on that fateful day.
The chairman of the leaders/elders forum of our party then, who presided over the meeting that day, Chief Sumbo Onitiri, also eventually saw what I saw about him in the course of the project, and backed out at the dying minute with disappointment.
He is now accidentally a cheiftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state.
 Salavador, who was the apex leader of the party in the state, also backed out along with many other prominent stakeholders, including many of the LGA/LCDA Chairmen of the party.
I also stayed on my own throughout the period, and voted for Babajide Sanwo-Olu to continue to run Lagos State as progressively peaceful as he has been running it over the last 3 years.
Throughout my stay in office as the State Chairman of the party, vindictively he never got my office involved in anything; gave me anything, or did anything with me.
I got no ‘shishi’ or any encouragement to run my office, or anything as at the period. I was completely sidelined.
All he was doing was working with my detractors for me to be removed as the State Chairman of the party, and he and his deputy, Princess Abiodun Oyefusi, eventually got me removed about one month and few days to the February 25 presidential/national assembly election with the help of Dayo Ekong, the current caretaker chairman of the party in the state (whom I nominated by myself to take over from me, because of my sincere love for her and the value I built for what we shared, when I was in office) and Sam Okpala, the insatiable and domineering state secretary of the party.
What was my offence?!
Because, I reported him to the leaders in the party to tell him to do the right thing with the party, which he never did.
He told all of us to our faces that he didn’t trust us. He said we should stay away from his project. He said he had his own people he wanted to use to run his election, and we all simply obeyed.
He didn’t want to be a godson to Salako, his state chairman, but all along, Chief Bode George, the leader of the PDP in the state and his wife, were all he was listening to, and not anybody else in the Labour Party in the state.
So, he preferred to be a godson to a PDP leader anti-partily as a Labour Party member and governorship candidate, but told the State Chairman, who fought so hard for him to get the ticket to go to blazes.
He was never Labour Party inclined at all from his operations, but purely PDP. He was just doing whatever he liked in the party, and not listening to anybody.
He ran his election alone, without the involvement of many of the prominent political stakeholders in our party, and God almighty simply corrected the mistake I made by working so hard, and by fighting almost all the powers that be in our party – both in Lagos and Abuja – for him to get the ticket to be the governorship candidate of our party.
He simply lost the election to Babajide Sanwo-Olu.
 That margin of win by Sanwo-Olu, wouldn’t have been that geometrically exponential, if all of us had been involved.
Violence, or no violence on March 18, there was no way he would have won the ruling party in the state, because almost about 70% of all the prominent field work tools in the party, were out of his project, including me, the man who led the team that built the political structures of the party in the state.
When Labour Party won the presidential election in Lagos State on February 25, all of us in the party were committedly and passionately involved.
But, on March 18, it was more of only him; his people and the emergency friends he imported from abroad at the tale end of the project.
God is not stupid!
He does not reward betrayals; habitual ungratefulness; operational arrogance and bad leadership character with ‘holy’ greatestness.
With what I know about him, he would have simply come to mess up Lagos, and set its progress 10 years behind.
That guy is characterless!
He is so mannerless, arrogant, proud, very deceptive, self-centered, childish; mean-hearted, unforgiving, operationally vindictive and immature in almost everything.
I made a mistake by working for his type to be the governorship candidate of our party, but God in His infinite mercies, corrected the mistake on March 18.
I could remember that one of the aspirants offered to give me 30 million naira and a brand new Jeep for him to get the ticket but I turned down his offer.
I refused and insisted on him, because I thought the only way my party could win Lagos was to use a youth/or a middle aged person, who could be so attractive enough to the electorate in the state.
‘Am I sharing your wife with you, or what?!’
What an insult from a boy, I suffered, and paid so dearly to establish and sustain as the governorship candidate of the Labour Party in the state.
How can you be the candidate of a party in an election and you were treating members of your party, as if you were doing them a favor to work on your own project.
He was treating the state exco of the party anyhow, with so much disdain; he wasn’t relating almost well at all with the national/state assembly candidates of the party; he was calling the bluff of anybody, including the national chairman of the party (He hardly talks to Julius Abure about anything, and most times, picks his calls).
He treated the LGA/LCDA Chairmen of the party with so much disdain and hatred, because they were the structures left behind by Salako.
He became overtly irritated by anything that had to with Salako in the party.
To the extent that, he did not give any of the chairmen ‘shishi’, or supported them with any logistic resources to operate in their domains, during his governorship election period.
Rather, he handed over the little resources he expended to strange people, who were not part of the operational organogramic structures of the party, and yet you want those local government chairmen to go and face the political force of the ruling party in the state to win for Labour Party.
Ask any real member of the party, who worked closely with him, during the campaign period, he would tell you the story of how he ran it so shabbily, stingingly, self-centeredly, arrogantly and unculturedly like a saddist and a miserable school boy in politics.
I made the mistake, by working passionately to give his type the governorship ticket, but God corrected the mistake in his own interventional way on March 18.
– Olukayode Ezekiel Salako,
State Chairman Emeritus,
Labour Party, Lagos State.

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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”

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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”. By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

 

Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.

Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.

 

A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.

 


Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.

Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.

 

Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.

Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.

The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.


No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.

Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.

What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.

2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.

3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.

4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.

The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.

Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.

The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.

First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.

Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.

Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.

At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.

 

Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.

Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.

“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”

While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.

FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.

Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.

“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”

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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration

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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration

By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

 

Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.

Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.

Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.

Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.

Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.

As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.

For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.

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