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Massive fraud rocks FIRS, Chairman, Babatunde Fowler fingered

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In what could be described as one of the grand heists in President Muhammadu Buhari’s regime, the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service, Mr. Babatunde Fowler, has been fingered in allegations of N7 billion tax refund scam and also unilateral employment of 250 new staff into the agency without following due process.

Information reaching this newspaper revealed that Fowler, a known ally of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the All Progressives Congress (APC) national leader, refunded N7billion to construction firm, Julius Berger, being excess tax allegedly paid by the company between 2012 and 2015.

However, the issue of the excess tax refund had been reviewed by the FIRS last year, 2015 before Fowler’s controversial appointment was denied by management which insisted that Julius Berger was not entitled to any refund rather had underpaid its tax.

The review of the construction company’s tax returns was carried out by one Innocent Ohagwa, who was then a director in the Lagos Tax Office of the FIRS.

An insider, who spoke in confidence with our reporter, said the belief is that the chairman would have pocketed over N700 million being 10 percent of the tax refund to Julius Berger.

“The chairman is less than one year in office and you can see what he has done. How can you singlehandedly refund N7billion to a company when there is a review on ground that says Julius Berger is not entitled to any refund?

“This is coming on the heels of dwindling resources, at a time the government is trying to shore up revenue collection but without consultation the chairman just refunded such huge sum to a single company.

“The president needs to order a forensic investigation into this matter, except we are meant to believe that this is part of the FG’s settlement to somebody,” the source said.

In a related development, Fowler has come under fire for allegedly recruiting 250 new staff through the backdoor.

Some of the letters sighted by this newspaper, the new staff were employed in February, majorly at the directorate level, with some as Special Advisers, and consultants being mainly people that worked with Fowler when he headed the Lagos State Board of Internal Revenue Service.

To pave way for those he allegedly engaged through the backdoor, he has redeployed over 62 senior management staff to non-functional training school in the six geo-political zones of the country.

For instance, one Andrew Ayabam, Salihu Baba Alkali, Bimpe Badmus, Jimoh I.T.T and Sola Akingbade, all newly appointed are domiciled in the headquarters with sensitive positions, while long standing directors and deputy directors were posted to the training schools and as acting state coordinators.

One of those posted to the North West had complained that the offices are poorly furnished with no running imprests given that most jobs are now being handled by consultants.

It would be recalled that Fowler was appointed by President Buhari on August 20, 2015 and assumed duty though he was confirmed by the Senate in December of the same year.

Source: The ICON

 

-Sylvester O. Sylvester with additional report by The Whistler

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One Picture, One Dream: How Barth Nwibe Rose from Anambra Soil to Global Oil Success”

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One Picture, One Dream: How Barth Nwibe Rose from Anambra Soil to Global Oil Success”

“From Village Dust to Oil Dollars: How One Photo Turned Barth Nwibe Into Nigeria’s Oilfield Giant”


A single image in an old magazine changed everything.

That’s the incredible testimony of engineer and oil mogul Barth Nwibe, who rose from a modest childhood in rural Anambra to become the founder of SEGOFS Energy, Nigeria’s foremost independent oilfield servicing firm. Now preparing to unveil a ₦3 billion AI-powered diagnostic centre in Awka, Nwibe says his transformation began not in a boardroom—but with a picture.

“I saw a Black man in a hard hat, working at MIT. That moment, I knew engineering was my path,” he told journalists in a riveting interview. “I turned away from medicine and pursued what truly spoke to me.”

From Ifite Primary School in Igbo-Ukwu to Christ the King College, Onitsha, and eventually UNN, Nwibe’s life reads like a masterclass in grit, vision, and divine alignment. His story—marked by stints at Halliburton, Schlumberger, Shell, and Baker Hughes—culminated in 2006 with the launch of SEGOFS, now a Nigerian powerhouse delivering cutting-edge upstream oil services once monopolized by global giants.

“We’re the only indigenous firm doing this independently in Nigeria,” he stated. “We’ve matched and in some cases surpassed international standards.”

But Nwibe’s vision transcends oil. After losing his mother to a stroke that wasn’t diagnosed early enough, he was inspired to build a world-class AI diagnostic facility in Anambra to combat healthcare inadequacies. “If we had diagnosed her earlier, she might still be alive,” he said emotionally.

Construction of the center, equipped to rival Indian and U.S. facilities, is already at roofing stage. “From Awka, we’ll deliver tests once exclusive to foreign hospitals. We’re training staff, we’re ordering machines, we’re doing this for our people.”

The Ugo-Igboukwu Foundation, his philanthropic arm, continues to fund education for hundreds of underprivileged children, while his political ambition—though temporarily stalled—is very much alive. “When the people are ready for real leadership, I’ll be ready,” he stated.

A recipient of the Anambra Man of the Year Award 2025, Nwibe remains sharply critical of Nigeria’s political and economic dysfunction. “Until the elite step into politics with a clear vision, we’ll keep going in circles. Anambra can power its economy with gas—real, sustainable gas—and transform lives overnight.”

With a foot in business, philanthropy, and public service, Barth Nwibe is building more than companies—he’s building a legacy.

“There’s no shortcut to success. No rituals. No magic. Just hard work, vision, and staying ready when the picture of your destiny shows up.”

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Union Bank Rewards Customers with Motorcycles, Cash Prizes in 3rd Save and Win Palli Promo 4 Monthly Draw

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Union Bank Rewards Customers with Motorcycles, Cash Prizes in 3rd Save and Win Palli Promo 4 Monthly Draw

Lagos, Nigeria— Union Bank of Nigeria has rewarded another set of customers in the ongoing Save and Win Palli Promo 4 campaign. Six lucky customers each won a brand-new motorcycle, and 120 additional winners won cash prizes.
The third monthly hybrid live draws were transparently conducted at the Bank’s Sabo, Yaba Branch in Lagos under the supervision of relevant regulatory institutions. For integrity purposes, some of the winners were contacted to congratulate and remind them that the Bank will never call to request or confirm their confidential banking details such as BVN, date of birth, pins, or passwords.

 

Save & Win Palli Promo 4 is a nationwide campaign designed to reward both new and existing customers with cash prizes and other exciting gifts worth N131,000,000. This initiative aims to support them in achieving their savings goals while getting rewarded at the same time.

 

To stand a chance to win, customers can continue to top up their savings in multiples of N10,000 or more and perform a minimum of five transactions a month to increase their chances of winning in the draws. This promo is open to new and existing savings and current account holders.

Prospective customers can download the UnionMobile app on their smartphones to open accounts or walk into any Union Bank branch. Returning customers can call the 24-hour Contact Centre on 07007007000 or visit any Union Bank branch nationwide to reactivate dormant accounts.

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Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again

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Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, elected in 2023 on the wings of political calculation and elite manipulation, has now found himself caught in the snare of Nigeria’s enduring historical curse: the north-south divide. His ambitious economic reform agenda, intended to liberalize the economy, remove structural inefficiencies, and reduce government expenditure—has hit a legislative wall. But this isn’t just about policy. This is about power, patronage, and the ancient scars of a fractured federation.

The rejection of critical aspects of Tinubu’s economic proposals by lawmakers is a stinging rebuke, not only to his administration but to the very idea that Nigeria can be reformed from the top down without confronting its structural imbalances. In many ways, Tinubu’s presidency is now facing the same nightmare that has haunted every Nigerian leader since independence: how do you govern a country that was never truly united?

The Crumbling Reform Agenda
At the center of the storm is Tinubu’s proposal to centralize and streamline federal subsidies and remove what he termed “wasteful duplication of agencies.” This was meant to continue the subsidy removal narrative started in June 2023, and reduce fiscal leakage. However, the backlash, particularly from legislators representing the northern states, was swift and coordinated.

The northern bloc, comprising lawmakers from Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Borno, objected on the grounds that Tinubu’s proposals disproportionately affect their regions, where federal allocation remains a critical lifeline in the absence of strong internally generated revenue. But critics argue this is a strategic form of sabotage, aimed at retaining an unsustainable status quo that prioritizes political patronage over national progress.

Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

As Prof. Wale Adebanwi of Oxford University has argued, “Nigeria’s northern elite have historically benefited from the spoils of a rentier state, with oil wealth redistributed without the burden of productive contribution. Any move to reverse this equation is seen as existential.”

Tinubu, a southerner from Lagos, with strong Christian support from the Southwest and Southeast, is now facing the very brick wall that has impeded reforms since the First Republic. His own political survival now depends on how much compromise he’s willing to make—or whether he can break the mold entirely.

A Century-Old Fracture
The rejection of Tinubu’s reforms by northern lawmakers is not new. It is deeply rooted in a century-old tension embedded in the structure of the Nigerian state. The 1914 amalgamation, engineered by British colonialists, fused two vastly different regions, the industrializing, Western-educated Christian south and the feudal, Islamic north, into one artificial political entity.

From independence in 1960, this contradiction has remained unresolved. “Nigeria was created not to function as a cohesive nation, but as an economic convenience for its colonial masters,” noted historian Max Siollun. “What we’re seeing is the consequence of a nation built on convenience rather than consensus.”

The economic priorities of the north and south remain deeply divergent. While the south boasts ports, oil revenue, industries, and a growing tech sector, the north has remained largely agrarian, dependent on federal allocations and political appointments. Any attempt to tamper with this redistribution—whether via subsidy removal or cuts in federal spending, provokes immediate resistance.

Reform vs. Redistribution
Tinubu’s administration promised reforms: subsidy removal, tax reform, and investment in critical infrastructure. But all reforms require sacrifices, and those sacrifices must be nationally distributed to succeed. What Tinubu is discovering, painfully, is that reforms without inclusive buy-in are dead on arrival.

Economist Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili captured the challenge succinctly: “Nigeria’s political economy is structured around the sharing of oil rents, not the creation of wealth. Any attempt to disrupt this structure will provoke fierce opposition from those who depend on the current dysfunction for survival.”

Indeed, the loudest resistance to Tinubu’s reforms has come not from the opposition PDP or Labour Party, but from within his own APC, particularly from northern senators and representatives who feel alienated by the president’s southern-centric economic vision.

The Ghost of Buhari
Many Nigerians are now drawing comparisons between Tinubu’s presidency and that of his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, a northern Muslim who governed with overwhelming support from the north. Buhari’s policies favored heavy spending, a bloated civil service, and minimal economic restructuring, a model that created illusions of stability while deepening the economic rot.

“Buhari governed like a tribal chief, rewarding loyalty over competence, and expanding a culture of dependency,” said Prof. Kingsley Moghalu, former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank. “Tinubu’s efforts to break away from that legacy will require courage, strategy, and above all, an appeal to national interest.”

But appealing to national interest in Nigeria is easier said than done. The political class thrives on division. The north fears marginalization, the south resents over-centralization, and the middle belt remains trapped in identity crises. Tinubu, in failing to build a coalition around his reforms, is now paying the price of elite disunity.

The Danger of Ethno-Political Paralysis
The rejection of Tinubu’s agenda is not just a political problem, it is an economic time bomb. Nigeria is drowning in debt, with over 90% of its revenue now going to debt servicing. Inflation is running rampant, the naira has crashed, and unemployment remains alarmingly high. The country cannot afford to maintain the current level of government spending without reform.

But if every economic policy must first pass the tribal test, then reform is doomed. “A nation that filters every economic decision through the lens of ethnicity is a nation marching toward collapse,” warned Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka. “If Nigeria cannot rise above its primordial divisions, it cannot survive the 21st century.”

What Next for Tinubu?
Tinubu’s next steps are critical. Will he revise his reforms to appease northern lawmakers and keep the political peace? Or will he double down, use executive power, and mobilize the Nigerian people behind a populist push for structural change?

There is a middle path, dialogue, renegotiation of the federal structure, and regional empowerment. Many have called for fiscal federalism, where regions generate and control their own revenues, sending only a fraction to the center. This model, already practiced in countries like Canada and the United States, could reduce the perennial tension around federal allocation.

Political economist Ayo Teriba suggests, “Nigeria must move away from revenue-sharing to revenue-generation. That shift requires not just policy but a new national consensus, and that is where Tinubu must lead.”

In conclusion: Lead or Collapse
President Tinubu is at a crossroads. He can continue playing the dangerous game of balancing regional interests with national imperatives, or he can rise above the tribal chessboard and lead with boldness. The north-south divide is not just a historical relic, it is a living cancer that must be addressed through structural reform, not rhetorical appeasement.

The economic reform agenda is not a southern agenda. It is a Nigerian necessity. If lawmakers continue to sabotage reform because it threatens their regional comfort zones, then the entire nation will suffer. As the saying goes, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.”

In the end, Tinubu must decide: will he be a president of compromise, or a reformer of consequence?

Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

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