Politics
Ministerial List: Real Reasons Tinubu Delayed Kano, Lagos, 9 Other States
Ministerial List: Real Reasons Tinubu Delayed Kano, Lagos, 9 Other States
The long-awaited ministerial list was on Thursday sent by President Bola Tinubu to the Senate for screening and confirmation.
However, the list, which came barely 24 hours before the constitutionally provided deadline contains nominees from only 25 states, excluding 11 others, among them the president’s home state, Lagos and also Kano. Others excluded from the list are Adamawa, Bayelsa, Gombe, Kebbi, Plateau, Osun, Yobe, and Zamfara.
Those that made the list were major members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), some technocrats like Professor Ali Pate (an academic and health expert); Wale Edun (an economist); and Waheed Adelabu (a banker); as well as Nyesom Wike (leader of the G-5 governors that rebelled against PDP).
Three states – Bauchi, Katsina and Cross River have two nominees. The Chief of Staff to the president, Femi Gbajabiamila told journalists last night that there is the likelihood of creating additional ministries in line with the vision of Tinubu.
Daily Trust reports that Tinubu who was inaugurated on May 29 had till today (Friday, July 28), to submit the list to the Senate in line with section 42(a) of the constitution, which states that “The nomination of any person to the office of a minister for confirmation by the Senate shall be done within sixty days after the date the president has taken the oath of office”.
The delay by the president to unveil his cabinet had heightened expectations from Nigerians, who were keenly waiting for the list of ministers that would assist the president to deliver his Renewed Hope Agenda.
Competent sources informed Daily Trust that high-wire politics, technocracy, party politics and compensation were among the key factors considered by the president in coming up with the list
Those who made it to the released list included four former governors: David Umahi (Ebonyi); Nyesom Wike (Rivers); Mohammed Badaru (Jigawa), and Nasir El-Rufai (Kaduna).
Other nominees are: Abubakar Momoh (Edo State); Yusuf Maitama Tuggar (Bauchi); Ahmad Dangiwa (Katsina); Hannatu Musawa (Katsina); Uche Nnaji (Enugu); Betta Edu (Cross River); Doris Uzoka (Imo); Ekperikpe Ekpo (Akwa Ibom), Nkiru Onyejiocha (Abia), Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo ( Ondo), Stella Okotete (Delta), Uju Ohaneye (Anambra), Bello Mohammed Goronyo (Sokoto), Alake (Ekiti), Lateef Fagbemi (Kwara), Mohammed Idris (Niger), Edun (Ogun), Adebayo Adelabu (Oyo), Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim (Nasarawa), Pate (Bauchi), Joseph Utsev (Benue), Abubakar Kyari (Borno), John Enoh (Cross River), and Sani Abubakar Danladi (Taraba).
Why Tinubu omitted Kano, Lagos, others
Daily Trust checks revealed that the omission of Kano State in the 28-man list of ministerial nominees submitted to the National Assembly on Thursday by the president may not be unconnected to the uncertainty surrounding the former governor of the state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who it was gathered is the president’s favourite candidate from the North-West state.
It was also gathered that the post-election romance between the president and presidential candidate of NNPP, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and the resignation of the APC national chairman, Abdullahi Adamu, which now creates a vacuum, are factors believed to be responsible for the non-inclusion of Kano in the released ministerial list.
Days after Adamu resigned, it was gathered that the president was said to have tipped Ganduje to succeed him, which many believe might be the reason for his absence in the ministerial list forwarded to the National Assembly.
A chieftain of the party in Kano had told Daily Trust last week that they had been informed that the former governor did not make the ministerial list.
He said what they were told was that Ganduje would be given the opportunity to fill in the vacant position of the ruling party’s chairmanship.
“For us, this is even better news because as the party chairman, Baba (Ganduje) will be directly involved with not just the party but also maintain his cordial relationship with the president,” he said.
The permutations among party leaders in the state had however been zeroed on the fears that the recent overtures from the president to Kwankwaso, a former governor of the state, whose party now controls the state, might affect the slot(s) to be given to the state, with several of them insisting that this would negatively affect the party and would aggravate the discord in the state with the superiority battle that might follow. A source said beyond the ministerial position, Tinubu was also considering electoral value ahead of 2027.
“There is also the issue of the election petition tribunal. Tinubu wants strong personalities in the states, not just Kano, so that if there would be a rerun, they would deliver votes for him.”
The vice chairman of the APC in the state, Shehu Maigari told Daily Trust that the state has strong personalities that contributed immensely to the emergence of Tinubu as president.
“We have people like Ahmed Tijjani Gwarzo, a former deputy governor of the state who has been with Asiwaju since their days in ACN and who I can boldly say apart from our leader (Ganduje), no one else contributed more to the success than him. We also have Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, a former Secretary to the State Government, and also Abdulrahman Dambazau, former Minister of Interior. These are just a few among qualified persons that should be considered,” he said.
Working to harmonise interests in Lagos
In Lagos, Daily Trust learnt that political struggles and the need to harmonise interests prevented it from being represented in the 28-member ministerial list even though Lagos-based politicians were well-represented.
Both Dele Alake and Wale Edun have their political base in Lagos and are known foot soldiers of Tinubu, who served in his cabinet when he was the governor of the state.
However, there are rumours that Tinubu, who has maintained a stronghold of the state since he became governor in 1999, is considering his former Chief of Staff, Babatunde Fashola; Lagos East Senator, Tokunbo Abiru and former Lagos State governor, Akinwunmi Ambode as potential nominees from the state. The National Youth leader of the party, Dayo Israel is also said to be eyeing a ministerial slot.
Similarly, it was learnt that Tinubu is yet to settle for anybody in Bayelsa, owing to the struggle in the state. Political gladiators in the state are said to be scheming for the exalted position.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan, recently, denied any involvement in nominating a ministerial nominee from the state.
While Cross River had two nominees- APC national woman leader, Dr. Betty Edu, and Senator John Owan-Eno, the omission of the former governor, Ben Ayade is said to be unsettling politicians in the state.
Slot between Lawan, Machina in Yobe
In Yobe, our correspondent gathered the names of former Senate President Ahmad Lawan and Bashir Sheriff Machina are being mentioned.
While Lawan had lost out to Tinubu during the primary election of the APC, he also had a legal battle with Machina over the Yobe North senatorial seat ticket.
We’ll certainly have our preferred choice – Kebbi
Elsewhere, officials in Kebbi State said they were certain the best would be chosen as minister to represent them.
The Special Adviser to Governor Nasiru Idris on Political Affairs, Alhaji Kabiru Sani Giant said Kebbi had contributed immensely to the success of Mr. President in the presidential election.
“He will surely appoint a minister from Kebbi State like he has done in other states but is yet to exhaust his list”, he said.
On whether the face-off between Senator Adamu Aliero and former governor Abubakar Atiku Bagudu might be responsible for why there is no ministerial nominee yet from Kebbi, Alhaji Giant said Aliero has no power to stop or influence the president on the choice of who is to be appointed as minister in Kebbi State. Before now, two former governors of the state, Abubakar Atiku Bagudu and Sa’idu Nasamu Dakingari were being touted for the ministerial position in the state.
It was believed that Bagudu by virtue of his position as former APC Governors Forum and being the chairman of the convention where Tinubu emerged the APC presidential flag bearer has a better chance without prejudice to Dakingari who was the director general for the governorship campaign in the state.
Daily Trust gathered that unresolved permutations resulted in a delay in announcing a ministerial nominee from Gombe State by President Tinubu.
Last minute politics ‘robbed’ Gombe in first list
A chieftain of the APC in the state, who craves anonymity, said President Tinubu had earlier settled for his associate, a Kaduna-based businessman, Alhaji Umar Abdullahi.
According to him, Abdullahi, popularly known as ‘Umaru Dan Adda,’ is a long-time associate of the president and participated in the 2023 presidential campaign that brought Tinubu to power.
He was a one-time staff of the New Nigeria Development Company (NNDC) and served as board member for several parastatals after his retirement.
However, another contender for the ministerial seat, Abubakar Inuwa Kari, the immediate past Chief of Staff to Governor Inuwa Yahaya and ally to President Tinubu, also pushed harder for the seat.
He was one of the returning officers of Tinubu during the APC’s Presidential election. He was not reappointed as chief of staff by Governor Yahaya in anticipation of his likely nomination as a ministerial nominee.
Also, a heavy-weight politician, Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna was contending to get the ministerial slot for Gombe to represent the state at the Federal Executive Council. Gwamna was a gubernatorial aspirant under the PDP, but returned to APC, after he lost the party’s ticket and contributed immensely towards the victory of the party. According to the source, the failure to reconcile and pick one from the three contenders made it impossible for a ministerial nominee from the state to be in the first batch unveiled by Senate President Godswill Akpabio yesterday.
In Plateau, pundits have expressed surprise that immediate past governor, Simon Lalong, was not named among the list. They were equally surprised that Plateau was excluded from the first list even though Lalong served as Tinubu’s Presidential Campaign Director General.
Daily Trust gathered that the state had earlier submitted three names, including Lalong, the current APC chairman in the state, Rufus Bature and Prof. Dakas C. Dakas. But pundits say the non-inclusion of Plateau on the list may not be unconnected with the pending suit instituted by Lalong and the APC.
Senate to commence screening Monday – Spokesperson
The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Yemi Adaramodu (APC, Ekiti) said the screening of the ministerial nominees will commence on Monday.
Briefing journalists after yesterday’s plenary, Adaramodu assured that the nominees would be thoroughly grilled.
He said, “This time around, the Senate will examine the character, background and achievement of all nominees, and Nigerians will not be disappointed with the 10th Senate.
“It is until they come forward with their resume because it won’t be a shadow screening where you have a good resume and you don’t have a good character. They must have good character,” he said.
New ministries on the way
Gbajabiamila while fielding questions from State House reporters after the ministerial list was submitted to the National Assembly, said “Mr President intends to separate portfolios or restructure the ministries in such a way you might be hearing of new ministries that were not standalone ministries before. So, the process continues.”
He said a second part comprising 13 names would be sent to the Senate, adding that this was part of the process of having a cabinet for the administration.
“As you know, he had 60 days from the time of inauguration, as stipulated in the constitution. He has fulfilled that requirement of the constitution by submitting 28 names today.
“As his letter stated, and was read on the floor of the Senate, the remaining names, not sure how many, probably about 12, maybe 13, will be forwarded to the Senate in the coming days.
“As far as the nominees themselves are concerned, and like I said, Mr President took his time to sift through those names,” he said.
He also said the president decided to toe the line of tradition by not attaching the portfolio of the nominees in the letter to the senate in order to give room for reviews.
“As good as that sounds, it straitjackets the president to pigeonhole one person in an office or the other. What happens then if you change your mind, do you then bring the person back for screening again, because the president is at liberty to change your mind.
“For instance, if I decide I want somebody as minister of labour, and then after sending the name, later on, I decide that this person would actually be better with another portfolio. And meanwhile, the Senate has screened that person for that particular initial portfolio?
“What happens then? Do you now re-screen the person? So, a lot of these things have their merits and demerits,” the Chief of Staff said
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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