Politics
Nigerians, Are You Better Than You Were Two Years Ago?
Nigerians, Are You Better Than You Were Two Years Ago?
By Gbenga Shaba
In 2025, a critical question resonates across Nigeria: “Am I better off today than I was yesterday?” For the vast majority of Nigerians, this is not a rhetorical exercise but a stark, lived reality, whispered in homes fractured by hunger and screamed in the silent desperation of stalled ambitions. From the bustling arteries of Lagos to the tranquil villages of Lafia, the answer, tragically, is a resounding no. Since the return to democratic governance in 1999, despite five presidents promising a brighter dawn, each new regime seems to bring less hope and more profound hardship.
The very essence of democracy, upon which its foundations were laid in 1999, promised something profoundly transformative: a demonstrably better life. This envisioned reality was not abstract; it meant the assurance of food on the table, consistent electricity, affordable healthcare, quality education, and jobs that could cover essential expenses and leave a little for life’s simple pleasures. Instead, Nigerians have largely received a relentless succession of economic experiments, a recurring drama surrounding fuel subsidies that consistently ends in public pain, a notoriously fragile national currency, and a poverty rate that has ballooned to alarming and unprecedented levels.
Empirical Comparisons Of Key Economic Indicators Across Administrations
Empirical comparisons of key economic indicators across administrations reveal a consistently worsening pattern for the average citizen. A single litre of petrol now commands a price that, for many, exceeds a worker’s entire daily wage. In 1999, a litre of petrol cost approximately eleven naira. In 2025, that same litre costs well over seven hundred naira, a staggering sixty-threefold increase. The Nigerian naira, once trading at a relatively stable eighty to the United States dollar in 1999, now fluctuates precariously around one thousand four hundred and fifty to one thousand five hundred naira to the dollar, according to recent figures from financial markets. This represents an almost eighteenfold depreciation. As of July 2025, the naira trades around one thousand five hundred and twenty-eight naira to the dollar in the official window.
Inflation
Inflation, a voracious and unseen predator, devours incomes with the efficiency of termites in a wooden hut, leaving behind only the husks of diminished purchasing power. While hovering in single digits in 1999, the latest figures for May 2025 indicate headline inflation hovering around twenty-two point nine seven percent, with food inflation soaring to over forty percent. This means the cost of basic food items is increasing at an almost uncontrollable rate, eroding every gain. While the national minimum wage has nominally grown tenfold since 1999, now standing at thirty thousand naira, its real value has been devastatingly eroded by the relentless march of inflation. A nominal increase means little when purchasing power is decimated.
The Poverty Rate
The poverty rate, a stark measure of human well-being, has regrettably risen again. As of the latest multidimensional poverty index report, over one hundred and thirty-three million Nigerians, representing approximately sixty-three percent of the population, are now living in multidimensional poverty, lacking access to basic services and decent living standards.
This is not merely an economic crisis that can be neatly categorized within macroeconomic models. It is a profound national trauma etched onto the faces of its citizens. The cost of essential staples like rice and garri, the burden of transport fares, the escalating burden of rent, the prohibitive expense of school fees, and even the price of a sachet of water have multiplied severalfold in a short period. An average family in Kogi or Kano, which in 2005 could budget approximately five thousand naira for a week’s meals, now requires over thirty thousand naira to feed the same household. Chillingly, for this increased expenditure, the quality and nutritional value of the food consumed is often worse, a tragic testament to compromised living standards.
The current economic strain has become an oppressive weight, crushing aspirations and fostering widespread despair. Mrs Uzo, a mother in Aba, can no longer afford life-saving asthma medication for her young son. Tunde, a bright university graduate in Lagos, precariously sells phone accessories from a wheelbarrow, his dreams of a professional career indefinitely deferred. Amina, a widowed mother in Bauchi, makes the agonizing decision to skip meals herself so her children might at least have something to eat. These are the vivid and heart-wrenching realities and the raw, personal toll of abstract numbers and economic policies.
President Olusegun Obasanjo Vs Now
Under President Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to 2007, the administration embarked on broad and ambitious economic reforms. A landmark achievement was the successful negotiation of eighteen billion dollars in foreign debt relief through the Paris Club, significantly unburdening the national treasury. His tenure also oversaw the crucial consolidation of Nigeria’s banking sector. Perhaps most transformative was the advent of the telecom revolution, with GSM lines expanding explosively, birthing a dynamic new middle class. Macroeconomic stability was relatively sustained, inflation was managed, and real GDP demonstrated steady growth. The national minimum wage doubled, and poverty rates fell by a commendable eleven percentage points.
President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and President Goodluck Jonathan Vs Now
During the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and President Goodluck Jonathan from 2007 to 2010, despite electoral controversy and illness, a significant achievement was the Niger Delta Amnesty Programme, which restored stability and crucial oil output. While ambitious reforms were not fully realized, the renewed focus on the rule of law offered hope. Economically, inflation rose, reaching eleven point five eight percent in 2008 and twelve point five four percent in 2009, while poverty spiked by eight percent.
From 2010 to 2015, President Goodluck Jonathan and Vice President Namadi Sambo oversaw a period when Nigeria experienced a surge in GDP growth, propelled by high global oil prices. A rebasing exercise positioned Nigeria as Africa’s largest economy. However, this impressive GDP growth did not fully translate into real prosperity for the majority, and inequality widened. The power sector privatization largely failed to deliver stable electricity, and the Occupy Nigeria movement in 2012 highlighted growing discontent over fuel subsidy removal. Despite these challenges, poverty did decline marginally, and the agricultural sector saw reforms. Youth-targeted programs like YouWin provided some relief.
President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo Also?
The administration of President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo from 2015 to 2023 was heralded by many as a messianic anti-corruption movement, promising sweeping changes. It recorded successes in mainstreaming social investments and other programs. Significant investments were made in infrastructure projects, and social intervention programs were implemented to alleviate poverty and unemployment. However, the initial dream of revitalization soon withered under a cascade of economic shocks. A precipitous crash in global oil prices in 2016 triggered Nigeria’s first recession in decades. By 2020, the unforeseen onslaught of the COVID-19 pandemic dealt another devastating blow, knocking the economy into yet another tailspin and marking two recessions within a single tenure. Inflation soared to unprecedented heights, becoming a daily torment for households. Jobs disappeared at an alarming rate, exacerbating an already dire unemployment crisis. The naira was devalued not once but twice over, further eroding purchasing power and making imports prohibitively expensive. The undeniable reality for the average Nigerian was one of increasing poverty, pervasive hunger, and a deepening sense of hopelessness. While the minimum wage was eventually raised to thirty thousand naira, it was swiftly outpaced by the relentless surge in food inflation and punitive fuel price hikes, rendering the increment almost immediately insufficient.
The last 2 years!
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima came into office in 2023 on the campaign theme of Renewed Hope. However, their administration’s immediate and simultaneous removal of the fuel subsidy and floating of the naira sent seismic shockwaves through the fragile economy. Within days, transport costs tripled, and the price of a common loaf of bread skyrocketed. Many families were forced to pull their children out of school. Markets emptied, and small businesses closed in droves. The economy, already bruised, began to fracture under the pressure.
The government maintains that these drastic measures are necessary pains that will eventually lead to broader prosperity. This argument is not new, but Nigerians are profoundly tired of deferred dreams and promises of future abundance that never materialize. The pressing question remains: how long must the poor wait for the promised benefits, and how much more suffering can be endured?
True reform, the kind that genuinely uplifts a nation, fundamentally puts its people first. It is not about abstract macroeconomic numbers or accolades from multilateral financial institutions. It is, first and foremost, about the tangible impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. A truly people-oriented leadership would embody a different approach. It would push for social equity, prioritize local content development, and champion grassroots empowerment. Where the current approach removes subsidies without adequate cushioning, a people-oriented leadership would meticulously sequence reforms, implementing robust safety nets and palliative measures. Where the naira has been fully floated, a people-oriented leadership would carefully protect strategic sectors and essential commodities from volatile market forces. And crucially, where blame is cast upon the past, a people-oriented leadership would believe in co-creating the future with the people through inclusive dialogue and participatory governance.
Economic Indicators
A Declining Trajectory
Empirical comparisons of key economic indicators across administrations reveal a consistently worsening pattern for the average citizen.
Petrol Price: A single litre of petrol now commands a price that, for many, exceeds a worker’s entire daily wage. In 1999, a litre of petrol cost approximately eleven Naira. In 2025, that same litre costs well over seven hundred Naira, a staggering sixty-three-fold increase.
Exchange Rate: The Nigerian Naira, once trading at a relatively stable eighty to the United States Dollar in 1999, now fluctuates precariously around one thousand four hundred and fifty to one thousand five hundred Naira to the dollar, according to recent figures from financial markets. This represents an almost eighteen-fold depreciation. As of July 2025, the Naira trades around one thousand five hundred and twenty-eight Naira to the dollar in the official window.
Inflation: Inflation, a voracious, unseen predator, devours incomes with the efficiency of termites in a wooden hut, leaving behind only the husks of diminished purchasing power. While hovering in single digits in 1999, the latest figures for May 2025 indicate headline inflation hovering around twenty-two point nine-seven percent, with food inflation soaring to over forty percent. This means the cost of basic food items is increasing at an almost uncontrollable rate, eroding every gain.
Minimum Wage: While the national minimum wage has nominally grown tenfold since 1999, now standing at thirty thousand Naira, its real value has been devastatingly eroded by the relentless march of inflation. A nominal increase means little when purchasing power is decimated.
Poverty Rate: The poverty rate, a stark measure of human well-being, has regrettably risen again. As of the latest multidimensional poverty index report, over one hundred and thirty-three million Nigerians, representing approximately sixty-three percent of the population, are now living in multidimensional poverty, lacking access to basic services and living standards.
The difference is crystal clear. One governs with an eye on the boardroom. The other governs for the marketplace, for the common man and woman, for the struggling family. As 2025 unfolds, the fundamental question persists, demanding an answer. Ask the mechanic in Minna, the teacher in Ikare, or the tomato seller in Mile Twelve. Their answer, spoken in the language of hunger and hardship, is tragically and unambiguously the same: no, we are not better off.
Until Nigeria consistently and genuinely puts its people first, it will remain trapped in a disheartening cycle of unfulfilled promises. Genuine change is not merely about new faces in power. It is about an unwavering focus on serving the people those numbers are meant to represent and uplift. The true measure of a nation’s progress lies not in its statistical achievements but in the tangible improvement of the lives of its most vulnerable citizens. Only then can the answer to that profound question finally be a resounding and joyous yes.
Gbenga Shaba is a journalist and an analyst from Lagos State, Nigeria.
NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)
The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria
1. Introduction & Rationale
The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.
Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.
The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.
This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.
2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?
The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.
Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.
Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:
In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.
In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.
These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.
The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.
3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion
Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.
After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.
Other patterns of exclusion include:
Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states
Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones
Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens
Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices
These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.
4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People
The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.
From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.
One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.
Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”
Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.
Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.
In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.
Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.
The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.
Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria
5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency
Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.
The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.
A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.
Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.
Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.
Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.
Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.
The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.
Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.
Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.
The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.
It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.
6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora
Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.
Notable examples include:
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership
Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing
Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions
The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.
7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP
Vision
A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.
Mission
To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.
Core Values
Peaceful Advocacy
Civic Empowerment
Equity and Fairness
Inclusivity
Democratic Participation
8. Strategic Objectives
Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.
Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.
Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.
Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.
Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.
Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.
9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes
To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:
A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)
A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.
B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)
A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.
C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme
Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.
D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)
To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.
E. Research & Policy Development Wing
A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.
F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project
This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.
10. Organisation & Structure of IPP
The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:
The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.
Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.
National Executive Committee – National leadership team.
International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.
Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.
Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.
Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.
11. Call to Action
This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.
By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.
Our Tomorrow Starts Today!
SIGNED
HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026
Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration
…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance
LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.
Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.
“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.
The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.
The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.
The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.
The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.
Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development
The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.
Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.
Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.
During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.
Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.
In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.
Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.
“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.
The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.
In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.
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