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(Opinion) Nigeria @60: The Right Time To Break Up Or Adopt Swiss Style Of Govt

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CUSTOMSGATE: $3 BILLION PROJECT RUNS INTO DISPUTE

By Jumu’ah Abiodun

As some of Nigerian leaders and Nigerians home and abroad celebrated the Diamond Jubilee of the country Thursday, October 1st, 2020. I think this is the right time for the country to ‘Break Up’ or the Swiss style of governance should be adopted.

For those who are not students of history, let me give you a brief background of how the country called Nigeria was formed. In 1851, the British government forcefully invaded Lagos and by 1865 they formally annexed it. On September 25th, 1912, the British government returned former Governor-General of Nigeria, Sir Frederick John Lugard back to Lagos with the aim of amalgamating the people of Lagos Colony and Protectorate of Northern Nigeria.

In 1914, Southern Nigeria was joined with Northern Nigeria Protectorate to form the single colony of Nigeria by John Lugard a British soldier. The unification was done for economic reasons rather than political—Northern Nigeria Protectorate had continuous budget deficit; and the colonial administration sought to use the budget surpluses in Southern Nigeria to offset this deficit. However, we gained our independence on October 1st, 1960, and eventually became a ‘Republic’ in 1963.

In July 6, 1967, after a peace conference hosted in Ghana by General Joseph Ankrah, Nigerian military leadership came back, late Lieutenant-Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, then declared Eastern Nigeria as a sovereign state of Biafra from Nigeria which led to the three years of civil war.

In January 1969, during this war, the two factions agreed to a 48-hour ceasefire to watch Brazilian legend, Edson Arantes do Nascimento (Pelé) play an exhibition game in Lagos. The match between Santos of Brazil ended in 2-2 draw with Lagos based Stationery Stores FC and Pelé scored both goals of his team. The war continue barely 24hrs after the match. Indeed, football unites the world. After the civil war ended in January 15, 1970, it is on record that this war was one of the bloodiest civil wars in Africa.

Between then and up till when General Sani Abacha died in 1998, the country struggled with Coup due tats, seizure of power by military regimes, annulment of an election (June 12, 1993), among many other challenges.

By and large, looking at the whole scenario, Nigerians have only been recycling the same set of leaders we have had between 1979 till we grabbed ‘Democracy’ due to the death of Abacha.

After good twenty years of ‘Democracy’, ‘Freedom of the Press’ is still nowhere to be found; what you see in Nigeria today is, police or military brutalizing journalists, the kidnapping of journalists, killing of journalists. In Nigeria, journalists cannot even cover protests peacefully due to security agencies’ brutalization. When you expose a public officeholder of their corrupt act then that becomes a problem, because you start running helter-skelter for your life.

What a shameless country we are? Some people will start defending the government or the say of ‘Do you know where the US and the rest were during their sixty anniversaries? That’s a wrong notion, this is the 21st century for God’s sake, we need to move forward with time and don’t need to re-invent the wheel. This is a century of artificial intelligence(AI), countries are developing at a very fast pace due to technology.

Let us take a look at our contemporary in terms of Independence, at sixty, Nigeria does not have a single national carrier despite this present administration spending over N1 billion on ‘Business Plan, Design Logo and London Launch of a new airline. Coincidentally, this writer was in the UK during the launching in 2018, where I told my friends categorically that the funds for the project would be diverted and shared among Government officials. This eventually happened.

The then Minister of State Transportation (Aviation) now Minister of Aviation, Senator Hadi Sirika, was allegedly accused of siphoning over N1.2 billion on a phoney Nigeria Air project which was eventually suspended by the Federal Government of Nigeria.

Today, South Africa Airways waxing stronger with 16 fleet size, 10, 071 employees; Kenya got independence three years after Nigeria, December 12, 1963, the East African country is enjoying her 40 fleet size that’s flying to over 50 destinations in the world.

Another East African country, Ethiopia is doing fantastically well with her Ethiopian Airlines of 125 fleet size and flies to 125 destinations (passenger); 44 (cargo). Ditto for Rwanda Air a company owned by the government commenced operation April 27, 2003, now expanding it’s business base with 12 fleet size and flying to 29 destinations in the world, also sponsors Arsenal FC of England. Rwanda gained independence July 1, 1962.

Egypt (EgyptAir), Morocco (Royal Air Maroc), Algeria (Air Algerie) and Qatar (Qatar Airways) are expanding their business coast with 69 fleet size and 9,000 employees, 60 fleet size to 103 destinations, 56 fleet size to 75 destinations and 237 fleet size to 172 destinations of the world respectively.

Nigeria as a nation, we still has a long, long way to go. Agreed that Rome was not built in a day, but our twenty years of ‘Democracy’ was spent on religious sentiments, tribalism, nepotism, hypocrisy, votes buying, looting and looting and more looting by public officeholders. Instead of facing the work of governance, the leaders continue to blame previous administrations for cheap political discussion.

Comparing fuel price in Nigeria to other parts of the world is a ‘wrong shot’ by the Presidency, standard of living in Saudi Arabia is far better than the one of Nigeria, their minimum wage is 10x of Nigeria’s N30,000.

During the global lockdown effected by the novel Coronavirus pandemic, a pastor whose Church is not up to two plots of land in Ikeja bought a house of over N300 million at around Agege, a suburb area of Lagos state. The man of God (like religious believers call them) bought another land beside the house at about N30 million. These are the people that preach to their congregations that this life is “vanity upon vanity”.

The pastor has a white ‘Limousine’ he has parked in his compound for more than four months, has a ‘Rolls Royce’ which he barely use, a ‘Hummer H2’ with bad tyres, brand new Toyota Land Cruiser and other exotic cars. Yet their congregations continue to suffer throughout the global lockdown.

We have seen so many cases which include the story of ‘The Man Killed Himself And Ran Away’ an ex-Governor story, hundreds of public officeholders who stole billions of dollars still walking freely and enjoying protection in Nigeria. One ex-Senator just recently bought a $1 million ‘Lamborghini Aventador Roadster’.

During lockdown that I wrote an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, to provide a sincere and genuine palliative for Nigerians, I stated it then clearly that the school feeding program embarked upon by the Minister is a way of siphoning public funds but Mr President did not listen to my advice. A few days ago, Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) discovered over N2.67 billion school feeding funds diverted to several personal accounts.

We all have seen where very few people from the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) shared a whopping N1.32 billion among themselves as COVID-19 palliative when a common man cannot even afford a daily meal during the lockdown.

As an oil-producing state with over 2.5 million per barrels of crude oil on a daily basis, Nigeria ranks as Africa’s largest producer of oil and sixth in the world. The country has the largest number of people living in extreme poverty in the world. Statistics by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently show that over 83 million Nigerians endure extreme poverty, in fact, this is increasing on a daily basis, the unemployment rate stands at around 27.1%, and a significant portion of Nigerians lack basic education.

The inflation rate jumps to 13.39% as border closure bites harder, bank interest rate now vary between 11.5% to 12.5%.

In the 21st century, you hardly see a government owned unrestricted wifi to connect to at Nigeria International airports when the telecommunications companies can’t even make an N5,000 plan for national calls with 500 free SMS per month. Even when you buy big data, the network melts it off like oil inside fire.

If we really want to be one, my advice will be good for the peace of the country, there’s an urgent need for any government who want peace and want to end corruption to stop ‘Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF)’ with immediate effect because those in the West don’t buy ‘Yam, Onions and Pepper’ same price as they sell in the North, so why paying for PEF. PEF is just a fraudulent policy with which public office holders are using to siphon public funds.

Another loophole left open for the stealing of funds is the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). In the first place, for whatever reason NDDC might have been created, it’s clearly unnecessary. Construction or rehabilitation of Roads in the region, ministry of Works should do that. Cleaning of the Ogoni oil spill, the ministry of Environment fits in.

Should we still have PEF and NDDC in this country, then this is the best time we should break up. Over the years, different lawmakers from Lagos have pushed on the floor of the national assembly for a ‘Special Status’ for the state, the selfish lawmakers refused to let that sail through. To make it clear, PEF is an avenue of generating funds for the political class in the North and NDDC is purely directed at Southern Nigeria for their own share of the national cake, the government doesn’t have any agenda for the West.

My fellow Nigerians, our system is already collapsing, our economy is retrogressing, corruption is taking center stage in the country. In fact, I’m more than surprise, despite hundreds of professors of economics in Nigeria, our government still don’t know the true meaning of the devaluation of currency. Maybe they need a layman’s definition of devaluation of currency to be able to understand the term.

For me, there’s no sense in Nigeria’s constitution that asserts that there must be at least a Cabinet member from each of the 36 states, though, the ministries are 28 but now to create space for more political loyalists and those who lose during their various elections are considered too. As at the time I’m writing this article, Nigeria has over 40 ministers.

There’s nothing wrong if the Minister of Justice & Attorney General manage or oversees ministries of Defence and Police Affairs, the ministry of Foreign Affairs can be merged with Special Duties & International Affairs.

What sense does it make when we have ministries of Science and Technology; Mines and Steel Development; Education. Merging these ministries together will go a long way in reducing the cost of governance, Science & Technology and Mines & Technology should be under Education.

There’s nothing wrong if we can merge ministries of Environment, Water Resources and Health. The combination of these three into one entity would be fantastic.

Ministry of Labour & Employment can be merged with Agriculture & Rural Development. Communication and Information can be together while Culture goes to Education.

Ministry of Finance, Budget and National Planning can be merged with Humanitarian, Disaster Management and Social Development. While the ministries of Women Affairs and Niger Delta should be scrap.

Ministries of Petroleum, Aviation and Transportation can be one, there’s no sense in separating these three while Power, Works and Housing should be returned as one. Ministry of Federal Capital Territory can as well be integrated into the ministry of Interior.

Breaking up of Nigeria should be an easy transition of government because each region knows where they belong.

Let me take you on a tour of how few world powerful countries broke up without war:

For instance, the Communist structures in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and the big brother, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), all collapsed, while the two Germanys that are ethnically the same but split by communism vs capitalism were reunited October 3, 1990. Such is the power of ethnic nationalism.

According to my investigations, the former Central European country, Czechoslovakia was made up of ten ethnic groups, the two major are the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Both separated peacefully on January 1st, 1993. The former is today 10.69 million people and the latter 5.458 million. Added together, they’re not up to Lagos. Other ethnic groups include Hungarians 3.8%, Romani people 0.7%, Silesians 0.3% while Ruthenes, Ukrainians, Germans, Poles and Jews made up the remainder of the population. Yet, they split for peace. The country called Czechoslovakia was then dissolved on January 1, 1993, after 75 years of existence, just 15 years older than Nigeria.

To break up should be as easy as ‘ABC’ because, In 1991, the Yugoslavia, a country with predominantly Muslim alongside Roman Catholicism, Judaism, Protestantism, as well as various Eastern Orthodox faith population then was 23.23 million, not up to Lagos population. It broke into six countries same year – all along ethnic lines, namely: Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia there was no war.

This happened along with two autonomous provinces within Serbia which are Vojvodina and Kosovo. The country called the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was dissolved in 1992 after 47 years of existence which means Nigeria is currently 13 years older than that.

The Switzerland style of government:

Switzerland has four major political parties since 1959, these parties will form cantons, Federal Council which will consist of German: Bundesrat, French: Conseil federal, Italian: Consiglio federal and Romansh: Cussegl federal who has just a few thousands of speakers. The seven-member executive council that constitutes the federal government of the Confederation and serves as the collective head of states and government.

Should we still decide to live together as one Nigeria, the only way forward to peaceful and united Nigeria is to adopt Switzerland’s style of government where each of the seven major ethnic groups rotates the position of ‘Presidency’ annually.

The position of President of Switzerland rotates among the seven councillors on a yearly basis, with one year’s Vice President of the Federal Council becoming the next year’s President.

By adopting this, Nigeria as a nation will then become a decent society where we can spend less on governance. Each President knows s/he tenure ends every December 31st of every year.

Jumu’ah Abiodun is a Social Commentator, Dedicated fighter for Govt Accountability & Justice and Columnist writes in from Earth.

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NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

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NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

 

The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria

1. Introduction & Rationale

The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.

Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.

The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.

This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.

2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?

The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.

Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.

Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:

In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.

In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.

These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.

The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.

3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion

Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.

After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.

Other patterns of exclusion include:

Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states

Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones

Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens

Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices

These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.

4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People

The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.

From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.

One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.

Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”

Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.

Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.

In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.

Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.

The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.

Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria

5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency

Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.

The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.

A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.

Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.

Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.

Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.

Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.

The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.

Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.

Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.

The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.

It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora

Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.

Notable examples include:

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership

Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing

Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions

The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.

7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP

Vision

A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.

Mission

To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.

Core Values

Peaceful Advocacy

Civic Empowerment

Equity and Fairness

Inclusivity

Democratic Participation

8. Strategic Objectives

Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.

Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.

Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.

Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.

Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.

Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.

9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes

To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:

A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)

A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.

B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)

A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.

C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme

Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.

D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)

To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.

E. Research & Policy Development Wing

A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.

F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project

This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.

10. Organisation & Structure of IPP

The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:

The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.

Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.

National Executive Committee – National leadership team.

International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.

Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.

Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.

Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.

11. Call to Action

This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.

By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.

Our Tomorrow Starts Today!

SIGNED

HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance

 

LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.

Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.

“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.

The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.

The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.

The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.

The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.

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Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development

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Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development

 

The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.

Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.

Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.

During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.

Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.

In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.

Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.

“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.

The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.

In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.

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