Politics
(Opinion) Nigeria @60: The Right Time To Break Up Or Adopt Swiss Style Of Govt
By Jumu’ah Abiodun
As some of Nigerian leaders and Nigerians home and abroad celebrated the Diamond Jubilee of the country Thursday, October 1st, 2020. I think this is the right time for the country to ‘Break Up’ or the Swiss style of governance should be adopted.
For those who are not students of history, let me give you a brief background of how the country called Nigeria was formed. In 1851, the British government forcefully invaded Lagos and by 1865 they formally annexed it. On September 25th, 1912, the British government returned former Governor-General of Nigeria, Sir Frederick John Lugard back to Lagos with the aim of amalgamating the people of Lagos Colony and Protectorate of Northern Nigeria.
In 1914, Southern Nigeria was joined with Northern Nigeria Protectorate to form the single colony of Nigeria by John Lugard a British soldier. The unification was done for economic reasons rather than political—Northern Nigeria Protectorate had continuous budget deficit; and the colonial administration sought to use the budget surpluses in Southern Nigeria to offset this deficit. However, we gained our independence on October 1st, 1960, and eventually became a ‘Republic’ in 1963.
In July 6, 1967, after a peace conference hosted in Ghana by General Joseph Ankrah, Nigerian military leadership came back, late Lieutenant-Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, then declared Eastern Nigeria as a sovereign state of Biafra from Nigeria which led to the three years of civil war.
In January 1969, during this war, the two factions agreed to a 48-hour ceasefire to watch Brazilian legend, Edson Arantes do Nascimento (Pelé) play an exhibition game in Lagos. The match between Santos of Brazil ended in 2-2 draw with Lagos based Stationery Stores FC and Pelé scored both goals of his team. The war continue barely 24hrs after the match. Indeed, football unites the world. After the civil war ended in January 15, 1970, it is on record that this war was one of the bloodiest civil wars in Africa.
Between then and up till when General Sani Abacha died in 1998, the country struggled with Coup due tats, seizure of power by military regimes, annulment of an election (June 12, 1993), among many other challenges.
By and large, looking at the whole scenario, Nigerians have only been recycling the same set of leaders we have had between 1979 till we grabbed ‘Democracy’ due to the death of Abacha.
After good twenty years of ‘Democracy’, ‘Freedom of the Press’ is still nowhere to be found; what you see in Nigeria today is, police or military brutalizing journalists, the kidnapping of journalists, killing of journalists. In Nigeria, journalists cannot even cover protests peacefully due to security agencies’ brutalization. When you expose a public officeholder of their corrupt act then that becomes a problem, because you start running helter-skelter for your life.
What a shameless country we are? Some people will start defending the government or the say of ‘Do you know where the US and the rest were during their sixty anniversaries? That’s a wrong notion, this is the 21st century for God’s sake, we need to move forward with time and don’t need to re-invent the wheel. This is a century of artificial intelligence(AI), countries are developing at a very fast pace due to technology.
Let us take a look at our contemporary in terms of Independence, at sixty, Nigeria does not have a single national carrier despite this present administration spending over N1 billion on ‘Business Plan, Design Logo and London Launch of a new airline. Coincidentally, this writer was in the UK during the launching in 2018, where I told my friends categorically that the funds for the project would be diverted and shared among Government officials. This eventually happened.
The then Minister of State Transportation (Aviation) now Minister of Aviation, Senator Hadi Sirika, was allegedly accused of siphoning over N1.2 billion on a phoney Nigeria Air project which was eventually suspended by the Federal Government of Nigeria.
Today, South Africa Airways waxing stronger with 16 fleet size, 10, 071 employees; Kenya got independence three years after Nigeria, December 12, 1963, the East African country is enjoying her 40 fleet size that’s flying to over 50 destinations in the world.
Another East African country, Ethiopia is doing fantastically well with her Ethiopian Airlines of 125 fleet size and flies to 125 destinations (passenger); 44 (cargo). Ditto for Rwanda Air a company owned by the government commenced operation April 27, 2003, now expanding it’s business base with 12 fleet size and flying to 29 destinations in the world, also sponsors Arsenal FC of England. Rwanda gained independence July 1, 1962.
Egypt (EgyptAir), Morocco (Royal Air Maroc), Algeria (Air Algerie) and Qatar (Qatar Airways) are expanding their business coast with 69 fleet size and 9,000 employees, 60 fleet size to 103 destinations, 56 fleet size to 75 destinations and 237 fleet size to 172 destinations of the world respectively.
Nigeria as a nation, we still has a long, long way to go. Agreed that Rome was not built in a day, but our twenty years of ‘Democracy’ was spent on religious sentiments, tribalism, nepotism, hypocrisy, votes buying, looting and looting and more looting by public officeholders. Instead of facing the work of governance, the leaders continue to blame previous administrations for cheap political discussion.
Comparing fuel price in Nigeria to other parts of the world is a ‘wrong shot’ by the Presidency, standard of living in Saudi Arabia is far better than the one of Nigeria, their minimum wage is 10x of Nigeria’s N30,000.
During the global lockdown effected by the novel Coronavirus pandemic, a pastor whose Church is not up to two plots of land in Ikeja bought a house of over N300 million at around Agege, a suburb area of Lagos state. The man of God (like religious believers call them) bought another land beside the house at about N30 million. These are the people that preach to their congregations that this life is “vanity upon vanity”.
The pastor has a white ‘Limousine’ he has parked in his compound for more than four months, has a ‘Rolls Royce’ which he barely use, a ‘Hummer H2’ with bad tyres, brand new Toyota Land Cruiser and other exotic cars. Yet their congregations continue to suffer throughout the global lockdown.
We have seen so many cases which include the story of ‘The Man Killed Himself And Ran Away’ an ex-Governor story, hundreds of public officeholders who stole billions of dollars still walking freely and enjoying protection in Nigeria. One ex-Senator just recently bought a $1 million ‘Lamborghini Aventador Roadster’.
During lockdown that I wrote an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, to provide a sincere and genuine palliative for Nigerians, I stated it then clearly that the school feeding program embarked upon by the Minister is a way of siphoning public funds but Mr President did not listen to my advice. A few days ago, Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) discovered over N2.67 billion school feeding funds diverted to several personal accounts.
We all have seen where very few people from the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) shared a whopping N1.32 billion among themselves as COVID-19 palliative when a common man cannot even afford a daily meal during the lockdown.
As an oil-producing state with over 2.5 million per barrels of crude oil on a daily basis, Nigeria ranks as Africa’s largest producer of oil and sixth in the world. The country has the largest number of people living in extreme poverty in the world. Statistics by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently show that over 83 million Nigerians endure extreme poverty, in fact, this is increasing on a daily basis, the unemployment rate stands at around 27.1%, and a significant portion of Nigerians lack basic education.
The inflation rate jumps to 13.39% as border closure bites harder, bank interest rate now vary between 11.5% to 12.5%.
In the 21st century, you hardly see a government owned unrestricted wifi to connect to at Nigeria International airports when the telecommunications companies can’t even make an N5,000 plan for national calls with 500 free SMS per month. Even when you buy big data, the network melts it off like oil inside fire.
If we really want to be one, my advice will be good for the peace of the country, there’s an urgent need for any government who want peace and want to end corruption to stop ‘Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF)’ with immediate effect because those in the West don’t buy ‘Yam, Onions and Pepper’ same price as they sell in the North, so why paying for PEF. PEF is just a fraudulent policy with which public office holders are using to siphon public funds.
Another loophole left open for the stealing of funds is the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). In the first place, for whatever reason NDDC might have been created, it’s clearly unnecessary. Construction or rehabilitation of Roads in the region, ministry of Works should do that. Cleaning of the Ogoni oil spill, the ministry of Environment fits in.
Should we still have PEF and NDDC in this country, then this is the best time we should break up. Over the years, different lawmakers from Lagos have pushed on the floor of the national assembly for a ‘Special Status’ for the state, the selfish lawmakers refused to let that sail through. To make it clear, PEF is an avenue of generating funds for the political class in the North and NDDC is purely directed at Southern Nigeria for their own share of the national cake, the government doesn’t have any agenda for the West.
My fellow Nigerians, our system is already collapsing, our economy is retrogressing, corruption is taking center stage in the country. In fact, I’m more than surprise, despite hundreds of professors of economics in Nigeria, our government still don’t know the true meaning of the devaluation of currency. Maybe they need a layman’s definition of devaluation of currency to be able to understand the term.
For me, there’s no sense in Nigeria’s constitution that asserts that there must be at least a Cabinet member from each of the 36 states, though, the ministries are 28 but now to create space for more political loyalists and those who lose during their various elections are considered too. As at the time I’m writing this article, Nigeria has over 40 ministers.
There’s nothing wrong if the Minister of Justice & Attorney General manage or oversees ministries of Defence and Police Affairs, the ministry of Foreign Affairs can be merged with Special Duties & International Affairs.
What sense does it make when we have ministries of Science and Technology; Mines and Steel Development; Education. Merging these ministries together will go a long way in reducing the cost of governance, Science & Technology and Mines & Technology should be under Education.
There’s nothing wrong if we can merge ministries of Environment, Water Resources and Health. The combination of these three into one entity would be fantastic.
Ministry of Labour & Employment can be merged with Agriculture & Rural Development. Communication and Information can be together while Culture goes to Education.
Ministry of Finance, Budget and National Planning can be merged with Humanitarian, Disaster Management and Social Development. While the ministries of Women Affairs and Niger Delta should be scrap.
Ministries of Petroleum, Aviation and Transportation can be one, there’s no sense in separating these three while Power, Works and Housing should be returned as one. Ministry of Federal Capital Territory can as well be integrated into the ministry of Interior.
Breaking up of Nigeria should be an easy transition of government because each region knows where they belong.
Let me take you on a tour of how few world powerful countries broke up without war:
For instance, the Communist structures in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and the big brother, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), all collapsed, while the two Germanys that are ethnically the same but split by communism vs capitalism were reunited October 3, 1990. Such is the power of ethnic nationalism.
According to my investigations, the former Central European country, Czechoslovakia was made up of ten ethnic groups, the two major are the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Both separated peacefully on January 1st, 1993. The former is today 10.69 million people and the latter 5.458 million. Added together, they’re not up to Lagos. Other ethnic groups include Hungarians 3.8%, Romani people 0.7%, Silesians 0.3% while Ruthenes, Ukrainians, Germans, Poles and Jews made up the remainder of the population. Yet, they split for peace. The country called Czechoslovakia was then dissolved on January 1, 1993, after 75 years of existence, just 15 years older than Nigeria.
To break up should be as easy as ‘ABC’ because, In 1991, the Yugoslavia, a country with predominantly Muslim alongside Roman Catholicism, Judaism, Protestantism, as well as various Eastern Orthodox faith population then was 23.23 million, not up to Lagos population. It broke into six countries same year – all along ethnic lines, namely: Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia there was no war.
This happened along with two autonomous provinces within Serbia which are Vojvodina and Kosovo. The country called the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was dissolved in 1992 after 47 years of existence which means Nigeria is currently 13 years older than that.
The Switzerland style of government:
Switzerland has four major political parties since 1959, these parties will form cantons, Federal Council which will consist of German: Bundesrat, French: Conseil federal, Italian: Consiglio federal and Romansh: Cussegl federal who has just a few thousands of speakers. The seven-member executive council that constitutes the federal government of the Confederation and serves as the collective head of states and government.
Should we still decide to live together as one Nigeria, the only way forward to peaceful and united Nigeria is to adopt Switzerland’s style of government where each of the seven major ethnic groups rotates the position of ‘Presidency’ annually.
The position of President of Switzerland rotates among the seven councillors on a yearly basis, with one year’s Vice President of the Federal Council becoming the next year’s President.
By adopting this, Nigeria as a nation will then become a decent society where we can spend less on governance. Each President knows s/he tenure ends every December 31st of every year.
Jumu’ah Abiodun is a Social Commentator, Dedicated fighter for Govt Accountability & Justice and Columnist writes in from Earth.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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