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THE CHILDREN OF USMAN DAN FODIO AND THE MANIFESTATION OF THE FULANI EMPIRE
As Nigerians there are certain qoutes and statements that we must enshrine and entrench in our spirits, minds and souls and that we must never forget if we really want to know where we are coming from, where we are today and where we will be tomorrow.
Permit me to begin this contribution with a series of those qoutes and statements and then share my thoughts with you later in the essay.
Consider the following.
In 1804 Sheik Usman Dan Fodio, the father and founder of the Fulani Caliohate said,
“I have been given the sword of truth to defeat and conquer the enemies of Allah. I will establish the Caliphate to rule over all and Sakwoto shall be its capital. It is either the pagans and unbelievers accept sharia and the Koran or they accept the sword”.
In 1914 Lord Frederick Lugard, the British Governor General of the newly-established Nigerian nation said,
“The amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates of Nigeria is a marriage between the poor northern husband and the rich southern wife. May this union be unbreakable and may it last forever”.
In 1948 Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a man that was to later become the Prime Minister of Nigeria said,
“Since 1914, the British Government has been trying to make Nigeria into one country, but the Nigerian people themselves are historically different in their backgrounds, in their religious beliefs and customs and do not show themselves any sign of willingness to unite. Nigerian unity is only a British intention for the country”.
In 1957 Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Saurdana of Sokoto and the Premier of Northern Nigeria said,
“We the people of the north will continue our stated intention to conquer the south and to dip the Koran in the Atlantic ocean after the British leave our shores”.
In 1961 Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Saurdana of Sokoto and the Premier of the Northern Region said,
“The new nation called Nigeria should be an estate of our great grandfather Othman Dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of power. We must use the minorities in the North as willing tools and the South as a conquered territory and never allow them to rule over us and never allow them to have control over their future”.
In 1963 Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Saurdana of Sokoto and the Premier of the Northern Region said,
“I would rather employ a foreigner in the northern civil service than employ an Igbo. Igbos tend to always want to dominate others wherever they go and we do not want that in the north”.
In 1987 Sheik Abubakar Gumi, Leader of the Sunni Muslim Izala sect said,
“No Christian will ever rule Nigeria again unless it is over my dead body”.
In 1992 Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki, the Sultan of Sokoto said,
“This country was given to we northerners by the British to rule. When they left the understanding between us was that the North would always lead and rule Nigeria”.
In 2001 General Muhammadu Buhari, who had already been a military Head of State and who was to later become President of Nigeria said,
“I will continue to show openly and inside me the total commitment to the Sharia movement that is sweeping all over Nigeria. God-willing, we will not stop the agitation for the total implementation of the Sharia all over the country”.
In 2001 General Muhammadu Buhari, who had already been a military Head of State and who was to later become President of Nigeria said,
“Muslims should only vote for Muslims and those who will defend their faith”.
In 2001 General Muhammadu Buhari, who had already been a military Head of State and who was to later become President of Nigeria said,
“Why should Christians complain when limbs are being cut off in the name of sharia? After all these are Muslim limbs and not Christian ones”.
In 2001 General Muhammadu Buhari, who had already been a military Head of State and who was to later become President of Nigeria said,
“Why are your (Yoruba) people killing my (Fulani) people”.
In 2013 General Muhammadu Buhari, who had already been a military Head of State and who was to later become President of Nigeria said,
“An attack on Boko Haram is an attack on the north”.
In 2014 Sheik Abubakar Shekau, the leader of Boko Haram said,
“By Allah we will not stop fighting until every Nigerian abides by sharia law. If you don’t abide we will kill you”.
In 2015 President Muhammadu Buhari who was once a military Head of State said,
“Boko Haram are our misguided brothers”.
In 2018 President Muhammadu Buhari who was once a military Head of State said,
“The Fulani herdsmen are Nigerians and have a right to be here. They carry sticks and not dangerous weapons. If you want peace give them your land”.
In 2019 Alhaji Abdullahi Bodejo, President of Miyetti Allah and Leader of the Fulani herdsmen said,
“You are a Governor and you want to enjoy peace in your state, you don’t need any long meeting, just create a particular area for the Fulani and equip them with modern facilities”.
Now what can we make of all this and where are we today? The qoutes and statements are self-evident and each of them have been subjects of intense debate and intellectial discourse over the years. I need not discuss their meaning, import or implications here as they are obvious and self-explanatory.
In any case I have stated my views extensively and quite often over the last few years in a series of essays on this topic and about those that espouse the provocative, outrageous, racist and totally unacceptable sentiments, views and disposition that are reflected by these incendiary words and asinine assertions.
All of those essays were widely published and amongst them are “Nigeria’s Third Mahdi And The Last of The Amalekite Kings” (2016), “The Sons of Futa Jalon” (2016) and “The Fulani Of Nigeria” (2019).
All three of these write-ups can be googled and found on the internet and they are all, together with my other written works, on the essay column of my website at www.femifanikayode.org.
I suffered the pain and indignity of being locked up in a special terrorist facility and cell with Boko Haram suspects and convicts in Kuje prison in 2017 for writing the first two and I have been subjected to all manner of threats to my life for writing the third.
Nevertheless the quest for truth and the bitter struggle for the emancipation of our people must continue regardless of the price that those of us that are in the thick of it are paying and may still have to pay.
No matter what happens tomorrow I am satisfied with one thing: every single thing that I said would happen and would be done by our northern oppressors if they managed to get power in 2015 has since come to pass.
That vindication alone is more than enough for me. And trust me when I tell you that unless there is a divine intervention and something gives, things will get far worse as the noose of the conquerors tightens around our collective necks.
The good news though is that there is a God in Heaven who neither sleeps nor slumbers, who forges the destiny of nations and who rules in the affairs of men.
His name is the Ancient of Days, the Lord of Hosts and the Lion of the Tribe of Judah. And when He arises to deliver, no man or demon can stand against Him. In He lies our hope and strength and in His hands lies our collective deliverance. He shall not fail us.
What I will do in the rest of this write-up is to simply share my thoughts on where we are today. Consider the following.
I have no hate in me for anyone or for any group of people and neither do I believe in violence or seek to incite violence.
I am a lover of peace and a servant of truth. I am constrained to speak that truth no matter how bitter it is and no matter whose ox is gored. That is my calling and that is the purpose of this short contribution. Consider the following.
The agenda of the Fulani to own Nigeria and turn the indigenous people of our country into slaves is an ancient one. It started 215 years ago in 1804 and it has almost reached completion.
Those that are screaming about Fulani hegemony and northern domination today are like chickens whose heads have already been cut off. They are crying over spilt milk.
They are lamenting long after the horse has already bolted from the stable. They are like the proverbial frog that was dropped in a pot of cold water and that was slowly boiled alive.
This is not just a matter of Fulani hegemony and northern domination: we are long past that stage and it is far worse than that.
It is nothing less than the full manifestation of total and complete Fulani subjugation and the final entrenchment of northern supremacy. As leaders we were cowardly and complacent and now the worse has befallen our people. Today the Fulani and the core north own Nigeria and virtually everyone in it lock, stock and barrel.
Whether we choose to accept it or not that is the bitter truth. That is where we are! Worse still 90% of southern and Middle Belt leaders have made a choice to bend the knee and bow to the Fulani north.
The few that have stood up to them over the last 100 years have either been killed, jailed, frustrated, humiliated or discredited.
In my generation there are only a few men left standing in the fight for emancipation from the northern yoke and they are mostly unknown, unsung and not fully appreciated.
Amongst them are Ayo Fayose, Nnamdi Kanu, Gani Adams, Asari Dokubo, Yinka Odumakin, Seyi Makinde, Gboyega Adejumo, Segun Mimiko, Tony Nnandi, Anniko Briggs, Jackson Ude, Adekunle Odunmorayo, Otoks Princewill, Michael Orobator, Shola Salako, Akin Osuntokun, Charles Ogbu, Kassim Afegbua, Ade Ojikutu, Gbenga Adefaye, Reuben Abati, Demola Folarin, Kole Omololu, Jack McGunn, Shaka Momodu, Yemi Adebowale, Jide Ajani, Taiwo Adisa, Aziza Uko, Deji Adeyanju, Bayo Oladeji, Jude Ndukwe, Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Toks Ogunbanjo, Deji Osibogun, I.D. Gyang, Enyinnaya Abaribe, Reno Omkri, Musa Bagos, Mark Libdo, Jonathan Asake, Mark Jacob, Emmanuel Magba, George Akinola, Imam Yoruba Ilorin, Babatunde Gbadamosi and a handful of others.
Then you have groups like Afenifere, Ohaeneze, OPC, PANDEM, the Middle Belt Forum, SOKAPU, IPOB, Avengers, MEND, Ijaw Youth Congress, Yoruba Summit Group, YOLICOM, MASSOB, CAN, Christian Elders Forum, Yoruba K’oya, Core Federalists, Balogun Collective, Uzuko Umunna and a few others who have also stood firm and who have also been steadfast and unflinching.
Without the continous efforts, contribution, strength and vision of such individuals and such groups and without their gallant struggle against our collective oppressors we shall all be fully enslaved and be speaking Fufude in the next 10 years.
Virtually everyone else and every other group has been cowed and intimidated into submission and they all lament and complain about their pathetic condition of enslavement and servitude in whispered tones and behind closed doors. They dare not speak out loudly and boldly out of fear of the Fulani masters.
This is the tragedy that has befallen Nigeria: cowardice and capitulation to evil and the forces of darkness is now considered to be a virtue whilst courage and strong resistance to ethnic domination, racism, religious bigotry, injustice and tyranny is regarded as a vice. May God deliver us!
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.
Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.
No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
celebrity radar - gossips
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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