Politics
THE MARK OF THE BEAST- Femi Fani-Kayode
“If the Hate Speech Bill had been in place between 2013 and 2015 Lai Mohammed would not be alive today”- Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe.
My dear friend and brother Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, as courageous and truthful as ever, is absolutely right.
I would however go a step further by adding that President Muhammadu Buhari himself, Bola Tinubu, Nasir El Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi, Adams Oshiomole, Yemi Osinbajo and a good number of other leaders in the Federal Government and/or the ruling party would no longer be with us either if the Bill had been in place between 2013 and 2015 because they would all have been hanged for their hateful words and inciting speeches.
Yet that was not the way of the PDP and neither was it ever even discussed, contrived or contemplated because civilised leaders and enlightened political parties do not seek to kill others for airing their views and neither do they seek to supress dissent or destroy those that oppose them.
To his eternal credit President Goodluck Jonathan never locked up anyone for what they said, no matter how provocative, and neither did President Olusegun Obasanjo.
These were enlightened, educated, temperate, accomodating and civilised leaders who understood the importance of freedom of speech in a democracy and who were big and strong enough to resist the temptation of becoming unaccountable and sociopathic tyrants whose sole objective was to crush all their detractors, traducers and political enemies.
Sadly those that rule Nigeria today are from a different world and their mindset and disposition are not as reasonable, charitable or kind.
Simply put they are hard-hearted and wicked men with dark, vengeful, bitter, cruel and relentless souls. Not only are they modern-day tyrants but they are also a bunch of pyscopathic and psychotic sadists who thrive on instilling fear on their hapless victims and on intimidating and oppressing the people that they seek to lead.
This brings me to the topic of this contribution. It is my view that the Social Media Bill and the Hate Speech Bill are the greatest threats to democracy and freedom of expression in the history of Nigeria.
They can be collectively described as the biblical ‘mark of the beast’ because their objective is to diminish our humanity, silence our voices and cage our creativity.
The former seeks to cripple freedom of expression on social media whilst the latter, which is a “copy/paste” Bill from the tiny island of Singapore, seeks to literally murder all of Buhari’s political enemies. Permit me to break it down in simple terms.
Under this proposed new law if you speak against RUGA they will call it hate speech and hang you for it. If you speak against Fulanisation or Islamisation they will do the same. If you speak against their tyranny, their abuse of power, their violation of court orders or their abysmal record in public office they will do the same.
If you speak against their persecution of Christians, southerners, Middle Belters and members of the opposition they will do the same. If you speak against their slaughter of IPOB youths and Shia Muslims they will do the same.
If you speak against their domination and intimidation of the Legislature and Judiciary and the total break down and violation of the doctrine and principle of separation of powers they will do the same.
If you speak against their control and regulation of the traditional media and the fourth estate of the realm they will do the same. If you speak against their implementation of an insidious, frightful, ancient and unholy ethnic and religious agenda they will do the same.
If you speak against the ruling party, its Governors, its Ministers, its officials, its institutions or its leaders they will do the same. It goes on and on.
If the National Assembly makes the mistake of passing either or both of these two Bills Nigerians will suffer the consequences for many generations to come and human rights, liberty and freedom will be a thing of the past in our country.
I would urge the Nigerian people not to view this matter with their usual levity, indifference, complacency, docility, stoicism and lily-livered cowardice because the whole thing is an insidious atttempt to silence their tongues, cage their spirits, capture their souls, break their ability to resist tyranny and evil and finally turn them into a nation of pliant little quislings, slaves and errand boys.
What we are witnessing is the final and greatest manifestation of the fascistic, totalitarian and authoritarian state which, like Hitler’s Germany, is creeping up and hiding under the guise of democracy.
Buhari and his friends want Nigeria to be like Stalin’s Soviet Union or, better still, like modern-day North Korea and Saudi Arabia.
These are countries where dissent, oppositon to Government, plurality of views, variety of opinion, individual rights and criticism of Government policy and the maximum dictator is forbidden and where total power is concentrated in the hands of just one man. This is the classic Orwellian nightmare and it is unfolding before our very eyes.
If they get away with it and achieve their objectives Nigeria is finished and within a matter of years we will become the blight of Africa, the pariah of the Third World, the laughing stock of the international community and the worlds largest, most brutal and most savage prison.
What a terrible fate for a people that are so trusting, so innovative, so resourceful, so resilient and so blessed.
Let us go a little deeper.
The leader of the Fulani herdsmen and President of Miyetti Allah, Abdullahi Bodejo, says he and his organisation are in full support of both the Social Media Bill and the Hate Speech Bill and that these proposed laws would allow those he described as “Fulani-haters” to be jailed and HANGED.
Now we know who is behind these Bills and what their real intentions are!
These people came to power and installed a rabidly and virulent Fulani nationalist Government through hate speech and the social media and now they are terrified of being removed by it.
And of course they are the ones who get to deternine and define precisely what hate speech is.
To them criticising and condemming Buhari, his incompetence, his racism, his religious bigotry and his atrocious Governments policies or speaking out against the mass murder and genocide of non-Fulanis all over the country by Fulani herdsmen is “hate speech”.
To them condemning Boko Haram and those that are secretly backing and supporting them is “hate speech”. To them condemning that which is evil, wicked, unwholesome, barbaric and indefensible is “hate speech”.
To them any mention of the President that does not put him in a favourable light or project him as Nigeria’s long-awaited messiah is “hate speech”.
As a matter of fact anyone that refuses to worship and praise Buhari or lick his rectum will ultimately be accused of “hate speech” and hanged and anyone who so much as criticises him on social media or elsewhere will be arrested and jailed.
That is where this man is taking Nigeria and he is using his minions in the National Assembly to achieve it.
He wishes to impose a culture of silence and fear in our nation and he wishes to intimidate and cow our people. To him we ar nothing but conquered slaves and serfs who do not deserve to have a voice.
To him we are a broken, cowardly, conquered and subjugated people who are not worthy of life and liberty and who do not deserve to be treated as equals.
To him we are vermin that must be subdued and put in their place. To him we do not deserve the privilages, rights and liberties that accrue to other citizens of the world that come from other climes.
To him we are not worthy of having a voice or a defender. To him we must bow our heads, bend our knees and tremble in our beds each time he growls.
To him we must accept subjugation, oppression, injustice and tyranny without expressing dissent or saying a word.
To him when our people are slaughtered like flies by his Fulani brothers and core northern Muslim colleagues we must not complain and we dare not write about it, post about it, tweet about it or even cry about it.
That is Buhari’s shameful vision for Nigeria and that is the kind of society and culture that he is attempting to impose. And the slavish fool of a Senator from Niger state that is propsing these Bills is simply doing the President’s bidding.
Yet all this is nothing new. We have seen it many times before and it never lasts.
The Boers of South Africa passed a law to stop their victims from condemning ethnic cleansing. The Nazis in Germany passed a law to stop their victims from condemning genocide.
The Fulani in Nigeria are passing a law to stop their victims from condemning mass murder.
Yet hear this: whatever you say and do, we the people will NEVER stop criticising and condemning your unholy agenda, racism, mass murder, genocide, ethnic cleansing, oppression, Fulanisation, islamisation and tyranny.
In order to have your way and silence us you will have to hang us ALL!
Today belongs to you but tomorrow belongs to the people. In God’s way and in His own time He shall rise up and deliver us, just as He rose up and delivered the children of israel from the tyranny of Pharaoah.
Until then we challenge you, nay we dare you, to do your damnest worse. Christ in us: our hope and glory!
Permit me to end with the following: any Senator or House Member that supports either of these two Bills should bow his or her head in shame and know this: we the people shall NEVER forget or forgive you.
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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