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Tinubu And Afenifere’s Curse: Dialogue With Yinka Odumakin’s Ghost By Felix Oboagwina

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Tinubu And Afenifere’s Curse: Dialogue With Yinka Odumakin’s Ghost

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Felix Oboagwina

 

 

 

Felix, what is happening? Will you guys continue to sleep and allow this man to ride roughshod over Afenifere once again?

 

 

 

Tinubu And Afenifere’s Curse: Dialogue With Yinka Odumakin’s Ghost By Felix Oboagwina

 

 

 

Wetin we go do now, Yinkus? Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a Yoruba project. Therefore, all Yoruba people should queue behind him, including Afenifere. As the foremost Yoruba socio-political group, shouldn’t Afenifere be leading the charge to have a Yoruba presidency come 2023?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Who says? This man tried using us to bring Afenifere down. If not for the spirit of Obafemi Awolowo that made us see the light, Jimi Agbaje and me, and the Babas’ exceptional magnanimity, tell me the Afenifere that Tinubu would be going to today to curry blessings for his ambition.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It means the man too has seen the light and repented, just like you and JK. If the Elders could forgive you Yinka and elevate you from Admin Secretary to Spokesman of Afenifere, then Tinubu deserves a second chance. After all, it is your Yoruba people who say that if we fail to forget yesterday’s quarrel, we will not have people to play and confer with tomorrow. Also, Omo eni kin se di bebere ka fi l’eke si t’omo elomiran.

You this “kobokobo” Edo boy, who has been teaching you Yoruba proverbs?

Ewe mi ti pe l’ara ose, now! I have lived long enough in Rome to begin to mouth some Latin. Don’t forget I was born here, schooled here, married here, live here, have all my children here. Moreover, Edo and Yoruba are one. Oba of Benin is a son of Oduduwa. Therefore, I am a son of Oodua tokantokan, undiluted. (Chuckle)

Story! You are the one talking of “omo eni kin se di bebere.” Have you forgotten the case of Mulikat Adeola Akande, House of Representatives Member from Orire 1&2, Oyo State? President Goodluck Jonathan and PDP ceded to her the Number 4 position, Speaker of the House of Representatives in 2011. Jonathan did it to keep the Speakership in the hands of the Yoruba South-West and give them a sense of belonging. Have you forgotten that Tinubu marshalled all his cronies in the House to vote against her and instead rooted for an Aminu Tambuwal from Sokoto State? The little boy insults the mystic Iroko tree and flees, the spirits would take their pound of flesh somehow, someday. For Tinubu, payback time has come.

The one that confuses people is why Afenifere cannot speak on one voice about Tinubu. Chief Ayo Adebanjo distances the group from, Chief Reuben Fasoranti welcomes him.

Pitching Pa Adebanjo against Pa Fasoranti is Jagaban deploying the same divide-and-rule tactics he has used against Afenifere since 1999! Only the gullible will fall for it. This same way he split the leadership of Abraham Adesanya. That was the same way he pitched the three other AD (Alliance for Democracy) governors against the Afenifere leaders, except for Ondo State’s Governor Adebayo Adefarati, who stuck with the old men because of his direct loyalty to Awolowo, Awoism and the Awo legacy. The rift that Tinubu caused in Afenifere hastened the death of Pa Adesanya.

Slow down, Yinka, don’t jump to conclusions. At 86, Senator Adesanya was already old and good to go!

Who says? The man died heartbroken. The man died regretting. The man died cursing. He used to tell me, “Yinka, do you see how Tinubu has scattered on my head the house that Awolowo built? Do you see how this legacy institution is being destroyed in my own time? What will I tell my predecessors, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Adekunle Ajasin, when we meet in the afterlife? Will I tell them that the ileke omo Oduduwa (cord of Oduduwa) that they kept in trust in my hands broke and scattered under my care, in my own time?”

Or do you forget what you said Chief Olaniwun Ajayi told you at the Afenifere secretariat at Jibowu, Yaba, when you were DPA Lagos Director of Publicity, the curses the old man extracted from the Bible and heaped on Tinubu. Felix, have you suddenly gone senile?

Yinka, how can I forget such a weighty matter?

Tinubu split Afenifere and engineered from it a renegade Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) in 2008. Tinubu singlehandedly destroyed AD. He cared little that AD was the June 12 and NADECO vehicle that M.K.O. Abiola’s supporters virtually arm-twisted General Abubakar Abdulsalami to register, even after his earlier resolve to run a two-party transition in 1999. Bola Tinubu dismembered AD, the party that brought him into power, the emblematic phoenix that rose from the ashes of Awo’s First Republic Action Group and Second Republic UPN. On AD’s carcass, Tinubu as Lagos Governor founded the Action Congress, AC, that later transmuted into the Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, which formed a strong pillar in what became today’s All Progressives Congress, APC.

Hold it there, Yinka, the man has won the APC ticket. Old sins have passed away. Even you forgave former President Olusegun Obasanjo although you abused the hell out of him, didn’t you, despite starting out as his hater? You even wrote a book against him, “Monitoring the Monitor” or “Observing the Observer” or so.

Olodo! Dullard! My book was Watch The Watcher (2014)What are we saying; and what are you saying? Obasanjo never identified with Afenifere. In fact, Afenifere worked against him and his PDP in 1999. Yes, we fell out with Obasanjo over all that he did against Tinubu, seizing local government funds when Tinubu created more local government areas in Lagos, and our belief that he rigged the 1999 and 2003 elections and unapologetically positioned himself as a stooge of the North. Even then, the man later saw the light, and I went to work with him –not “for him,” mind you, but “with him.” We aligned to create a third force to rescue Nigeria from the plundering vultures that PDP and APC had become in government.

With Tinubu going to seek Fasoranti’s blessing last Sunday, it shows he too has seen the light.

No. Tinubu went to Fasoranti with the same sense of Emilokan entitlement, which he deployed to secure the APC ticket. He believes that with money, nothing shall be impossible.

Was that why Pa Adebanjo accused Tinubu of bribing his way into the old man’s home in Akure? On ground at Fasoranti’s place were men of eminence: Former Finance Minister Olu Falae, former Minister and Senator Dayo Adeyeye, former Ogun’s Governor Gbenga Daniel, former Osun Governor Bisi Akande, Senator Iyiola Omisore. Could all such people have been bribed?

I have not said so. Just know this and know peace: The person whose price Jagaban cannot pay does not exist.

That was how he got you too, abi, if we are to extrapolate your statement?

Na you know! The issue here is why this man will now want to court Afenifere, a group he spent his entire post-2003 political career denigrating and eroding. The height of it was when the daughter of this same Pa Fasoranti was killed. Eyewitnesses and those familiar with that Ondo-Ore axis, where bandits had shot her dead, identified the killers as Fulani herdsmen. Tinubu paid a condolence visit to the grieving old man; and when journalists asked him what should be done about the insecurity being perpetrated by Fulani herdsmen in Yoruba land, Tinubu petulantly said: “Where are the cows?” Insult upon injury! I was there. I heard him.

Did you notice that Governor Rotimi Akeredolu was not part of that charade of a visit? This is despite the fact that Tinubu is his party’s flag-bearer. Moreover, Aketi is the home Governor and this visit happened right in the state capital, a shouting distance to the Government House.

His Excellency might have been busy that day and otherwise engaged.

Who wants to use his head to carry a curse, Felix?

Curse, keh! What curse? Yinka, have you come again? When will you stop making all these your weighty insinuations?

Oh, you don’t know there is an Afenifere curse? Of course, there is. Ladoke Akintola betrayed Afenifere, did he not pay heavily for his treachery, slaughtered like a chicken during the 1966 coup? Even the one they used to call Baba Kekere, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, the best civilian Governor Lagos has ever had. Jakande was Awolowo’s alter ego and heir apparent. When this falcon broke away from Afenifere his falconer and gummed himself to General Sani Abacha against June 12 and NADECO, did that error not finish Jakande politically? Even General Oladipo Diya, who was championing an alternative Yoruba leadership when Afenifere refused to abandon Abiola’s cause and follow him to lick Abacha’s anus, did Diya end well? Did he not escape the hangman’s noose only by the whiskers? Even Abacha, how did he end up after he spent his tenure hunting and killing Afenifere followers and leaders? How about Navy Captain Anthony Onyearugbulem, the Military Administrator of Ondo State, who brutishly, irreverently and indecently invaded Afenifere Leader, Pa Adekunle Ajasin’s home in Owo, and vilified the old man, like a headmaster would pour scum on a primary school pupil? Did Onyearugbulem end well? Even his Wikipedia profile said the man “died suddenly in a hotel room in Kaduna in somewhat mysterious circumstances.” He abused an old man and he did not grow old too, 47.

If you didn’t know, know it today, Felix: The fear of Afenifere’s curse is the beginning of wisdom.

I am just curious, did Abiola’s fate have to do with the curse? He antagonised Awolowo too in the NPN days. The way his mandate was taken away from him remains an inexplicable anti-climax. Did it have to do with the curse?

Spirit I may have become, Mr. Oboagwina, that doesn’t imbue me with omniscience. I don’t have answers to all of life’s mysteries.

If the fear of the curse made Tinubu run to reconcile with Afenifere, why is heaven not rejoicing over this repentant sinner? Why has the whole Afenifere turned upside down over Pa Fasoranti giving him not only audience, but also his blessing on October 30? After all, isn’t it you Yoruba people who say that if you cane a child with the right hand, you should use your other hand to embrace him?

Did Tinubu go seeking Afenifere’s blessing; or he went to get Pa Fasoranti’s blessing? They are two different things, Felix. Afenifere is an institution, a legacy institution. Since its creation in 1951, it has remained the spirit of the Yoruba people, their compass even. It may not pack the same power today as it did under Awolowo or Ajasin, but its mysticism remains. It radiates in its collegiate leadership. That leadership college, March last year, agreed with Fasoranti that, being 95 years old, he should retire and Adebanjo should take up the leadership. When Adebanjo pronounced that, for the sake of equity, belongingness and social-justice, power should rotate to the Igbo nationality this time around, the voice was indeed the voice of Adebanjo; but the authority came from beyond him. That pronouncement emanated from the pantheon of Afenifere leaders, living and dead.

Therefore, what you are telling me is that Peter Obi is only an accidental beneficiary.

Spot on! Power should go to Igbo people this time around. In 1999, to redress the injustice we Yoruba suffered over June 12 and Abiola’s death, the entire country left the field free to the monopoly of two Yoruba contestants, Obasanjo and Olu Falae. The country owes the Igbo no less in 2023. It will bring a close to the Civil War and redress the enduring injustice that has reignited calls for the resurrection of Biafra.

Shouldn’t Afenifere maintain neutrality, simply allow a level playing field, without tilting one way or the other, and let all contestants struggle for power? Bola Tinubu will tell you that power, political power, is never served a la carte.

Yes, that is his favourite cliché. Ptcheew! (Hiss) As if, his victory over Funsho Williams in the AD primaries of 1999 came by his own power and his own might. That story we leave for another day. The question you should be asking is, whether Tinubu himself has created a level playing field for political contestants under his wings. Confront him with that. He chooses. He enthrones. He dethrones. He dictates. He only and only he is the Alpha and Omega of who becomes what in Lagos, without tolerating inputs from anyone else. So why should he kick when Afenifere borrows his modus operandi? Here is the guillotiner becoming jumpy at the sight of a sword.

Yinka, he is Yoruba’s son, more than any Peter Obi. Omo wa ni e je ko se o!

Yoruba o bi omokomo o! Should I break that down for you? Yoruba have no hooligan for a son.

My own is why is this man making so many mistakes? Christians have already backed away from his Muslim-Muslim ticket; they have raised hell and high water over his choice of Kashim Shettima as Running Mate, when he had zillions of eminent Northern Christians to choose from. Yet Buhari rejected him in 2011 and 2015 for this same reason that the ticket would be Muslim-Muslim. Add to that the fact that he is bungling his public speaking engagements with inexplicable verbal accidents at every adlib attempt. It looks like this man’s handlers have lost vigilance, programming him for failure.

Yinka, I see you have risen up –preparatory to taking your leave. Have you considered one point?

What is that?

From the time of Awolowo versus Tafawa Balewa in the First Republic, to Awolowo versus Shehu Shagari in the Second Republic, to Obasanjo versus Olu Falae in the Fourth Republic in 1999, to Obasanjo versus Muhammadu Buhari in 2003, to Umar Yar’Adua versus Buhari in 2007, to Goodluck Jonathan versus Buhari in 2011, to Goodluck Jonathan versus Buhari in 2015, to Buhari versus Atiku Abubakar in 2019, don’t you see a disturbing trend?

Which is?

Not once has Afenifere backed a winning horse. Afenifere has never been in mainstream politics.

Felix, I told you before: I might be a ghost, but I do not have answers to all mysteries.

 

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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”

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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”. By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

 

Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.

Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.

 

A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.

 


Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.

Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.

 

Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.

Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.

The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.


No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.

Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.

What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.

2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.

3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.

4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.

The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.

Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.

The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.

First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.

Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.

Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.

At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.

 

Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK

Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.

Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.

“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”

While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.

FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.

Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.

“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”

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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration

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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration

By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

 

Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.

Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.

Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.

Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.

Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos

From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.

As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.

For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.

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