Politics
Tinubu didn’t order the removal of ‘All Eyes on the Judiciary’ billboards – ARCON DG
Tinubu didn’t order the removal of ‘All Eyes on the Judiciary’ billboards – ARCON DG
Director-General, Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria, (ARCON) Dr Olalekan Fadolapo, tells FATTEH HAMID why the council removed the ‘All Eyes on the Judiciary’ billboard adverts nationwide and dissolved the Advertising Standard Panel Secretariat
The Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria on Tuesday, August 15, 2023, ordered the removal of the ‘All Eyes on the Judiciary’ advertisement billboards across the country. Why was that decision taken?
The decision was taken because the adverts violated the vetting guidelines. In Nigeria, the advertising industry is a regulated industry and there are some tenets that we align with. In doing advertisements in Nigeria, we don’t disparage and we don’t do comparative adverts. If you are using a superlative word, you need to justify it and some other things like that. So, those adverts clearly violated the rules and regulations. For example, you know that adverts fall in the category of cause advertising which means that you are promoting a cause. In that particular instance, ‘All eyes on the Judiciary,’ the Nigerian legal system provides that where an issue is before the court of law, that issue is not to be discussed. Now, the adverts are against the principle of fair hearing. It is a blackmail on the judiciary and if you look at the copy of that advert, it is speaking to the judiciary as it relates to what is before them.
According to the statement issued by the council, the advertisement was controversial and capable of instigating public unrest and a breach of public peace. Can you explain what that meant?
There are political alignments and we are a non-partisan Federal Government organisation. You can check out my profile; I’m not a politician. I came into this job as a technocrat and I’ve been in the advertising industry for over two and a half decades. So, I’m not a politician. The second thing is that we know that adverts of this nature are politically aligned and because of that, we need to act. The polity is already heated up and such an advert can even bring more heat. You can see the noise that the adverts have generated since Sunday to date. It could have led to another major national crisis and that is why communication of that nature should not have been allowed in the first place to get into the public because it winds up sentiment and it will divide us along political and religious lines.
What are the specific contents of the adverts that can cause unrest and breach public peace?
The first is ‘All Eyes on the Judiciary’. Two, there was another one of the adverts that read, ‘We Want to Reclaim Our Mandate,’ meaning that somebody’s mandate was stolen, meanwhile, the judges have not ruled that anyone’s mandate was stolen; such a pronouncement has not been made. Saying that people want to reclaim their mandate is blackmailing. Let the judges be done, there’s a court process and there’s supposed to be a fair hearing. Now, if all these are coming out, you know again that this material was exposed in front of the Court of Appeal in Abuja. The other leg is that some people were already on the streets of Abuja carrying placards with the same inscriptions and before you realise it, something would just trigger unrest and it would become a national security issue. If we do not nib it in the bud, we will have another big national crisis to manage.
It was also stated that the Advertising Standard Panel did not approve the advertisements before they were exposed to the public. What is the standard procedure?
Now, two materials were forwarded to the ASP for approval, and out of the two materials sent, one was erroneously approved. I referred to it as being erroneous because the ASP did not do a detailed job. Again, that is why we are setting up a committee because there can be a political alignment, there can be anything, you know the way we are wired, we are all humans. If you are doing brand advertising, there are some rules and regulations that you need to abide by. If you are doing advertising, there are some rules and regulations you need to align with and there are some regulations that are common denominators to whatever advertising you are doing. Is it constitutional? Is it a breach of public peace and harmony? and many other things like that. The ASP erred in that aspect, too.
So, the one that was even exposed was different from the content that was erroneously approved. For example, the ASP insisted that the sponsors’ names must be on the material but the ones that were exposed to the public carried none of the names of the sponsors, meaning that they went to change the material, Thus, the other ones that were exposed were not even approved at all. Now, look at the unapproved material, they went ahead to put it in front of the Court of Appeal. Do you think that is not mischief on its own? So, we need to quickly intervene before it goes out of hand and ensure that we are able to restore sanity because before you realise it, this thing will go out of hand and we will have another national security issue that we’ll be tackling.
If the ASP didn’t approve the advertisements, how were the owners of the adverts able to put up their ad billboards across the country without official approval?
We are taking necessary actions against those billboard owners. Again, those people were saying that the ones that were erroneously approved for example were used but the truth is that those materials didn’t get approved in the first place. They attached approval for material A with material B and sent it out. We are going to sanction all the outdoor organisations that are involved. A letter of violation has been written to them and they’ll be taken before the Advertising Offences Tribunal.
Does this also mean that ARCON didn’t approve the advertisements before they went out?
They were not approved.
As the DG of ARCON, does your office get the contents of adverts across the country to be vetted before publication?
You know the way it is, we are going to appeal to the National Assembly now for a further review of our laws. ASP is an independent legal panel established under the law. As the DG of ARCON, I don’t have control or influence over ASP. ASP has representatives of all the industry’s stakeholders as well as other government regulatory agencies. They are the ones that sit down and look at adverts because the law wants to ensure that they are independent and that is why I did not dissolve the ASP. I only dissolved the ASP Secretariat which is the staff members that give administrative support to ASP. ASP is a creation of the law and they are independent by law.
Now, whenever they err, I’m the one that takes responsibility for their error and yet, I don’t have control or a say in what they do. They are an independent entity. You can check our laws, they are clearly written. However, anytime anything is wrong, it is the DG that will be called to bear it. So, we are putting up our report on it and we are going to approach the National Assembly to tackle this issue because there should be a supervisory role so that when things are happening, one can take responsibility for their actions and inactions but it is an independent panel established under the ARCON law and they don’t take directives from the DG. They are independent and they take decisions among themselves.
Some Nigerians believe if there’s a breach of the law and the adverts were mounted on billboards, ARCON should also take the blame. Do you agree?
Yes. That is why we dissolved the ASP and also suspended its directors because we needed to investigate and someone must take responsibility for it. That was why I came out to say that the adverts that were being exposed were not approved. However, there was also an erroneous approval of one. They erred because they didn’t align with the vetting guidelines. We came out to say that we were accepting responsibilities and that is why the director and deputy director, whose negligence caused all of this, were suspended. We are setting up a panel about this whole issue to confirm if there’s no mischief and what these are, thereby, making appropriate recommendations.
Some Nigerians believe that the dissolution of ASP and the suspension of its director and deputy director were done to make them scapegoats for ARCON. Do you have a different thought about this?
I don’t agree with that. Now, in the last few weeks, you would have been reading all our adverts about the huge challenge of monitoring advertisements in Nigeria’s media space or the traditional media. It is a huge responsibility and we have been calling out people, celebrities, and everything because these things have not just a moral implication. Some people have lost money and so many things. So, if we do not keep up the heat, we will not be able to get it right. Don’t just think or assume that advertising is just about putting something up. Open your phone in the morning and go to your Facebook page and see how many shenanigans are there. Imagine your child, who’s about seven years old, accesses Facebook and all he’s seeing is obscene adverts and so many levels of shenanigans out there. It is huge and the monitoring of the traditional and digital media hasn’t stopped. We have taken some people to court because of violations. What we are here discussing is an example, the adverts were not approved. We have seen situations whereby an advert was approved but they go ahead and change the elements of the adverts that were approved. Between the approved materials and exposed materials, you’ll see a clear difference. So how do you want to say it is overbearing? If we don’t put the heat out there, we’ll be playing a drastic game and we’ll be playing a catch-up game.
Are you saying the dissolution of the ASP Secretariat and suspension of its director and deputy director was not done to make scapegoats?
Nothing like scapegoats. You will only say scapegoats if they didn’t err. You’ll only say scapegoats if what they did, for example, could be justified. Do you know that the singular omission could cause national unrest and set the country on fire? So, where is the scapegoat here? We did not get them arrested, they were not fired, they were only asked to step down from those positions for the panel we’ll set up to conduct an investigation into what actually went wrong. They were not sacked, they were not dismissed. Sometimes, people overreact and sometimes, they cry more than the bereaved. Sometimes our people have their mindset and there’s nothing you want to say that will make sense. If somebody has done an act that is as big as that, should we just give them a slap on the wrist and say go back to your state?
Some also believe that the order to have the adverts brought down across the country and also the dissolution and suspension of ASP and its directors came from the President. Is it true President Bola Tinubu had something to do with the punitive actions taken?
Our people are extremely biased. Now, this advert has nothing to do with the presidency, I hope we all know this. These adverts have a lot to do with the judiciary; it has absolutely nothing to do with the presidency. I don’t know why they would say that the President asked us or the presidency asked us to punish them. How will the presidency interfere with this? The presidency has not at any point in time interfered in this issue. This is an administrative procedure. Someone erred and we looked at it to confirm that they erred and you did not fire them. The easiest thing to do is to give them a fair hearing and in the process of giving them a fair hearing, we are asking them to please step down from that offices they are occupying to be able to investigate properly. How does the presidency now come into this? The judiciary is supposed to be the one that they will say is influencing us and nobody in the judiciary has even made a statement on this. Don’t forget that there are other adverts worse than this on social media that we are even trying to track and pull down, posting some of these judiciary members’ names, their pictures on social media, and all of that. This has absolutely nothing to do with the presidency; the presidency has not interfered and I don’t think the presidency will interfere. The presidency is dealing with so many things and they have given each agency the independence to do their work.
I’ve not been summoned, I’ve not been requested to do anything. This is an administrative thing and except there’s something that they think should have been done by us and haven’t been done. They err, we suspended them from the office, and the people that are providing the administrative support, we said okay, leave that position and let us investigate because the omission could have caused us a lot. We will give you a fair hearing, appear before a committee, review the entire process and you’ll come back to us. The presidency has nothing to do with this.
ARCON also stated in its press release that the adverts are blackmailing against the judiciary. How?
There’s a case before the judiciary and the basic requirement is that this issue be left to be discussed. Now, this issue is a subject of discussion in different directions. I think we should all wait for them rather than putting up an advert, putting up social media posts, we don’t need to stampede them. All these actions are to stampede them into taking decisions. There’s another copy of this material that was saying, as I said earlier, that they want to reclaim their mandate. Now, by saying that, is the opposition not taking a position for the judiciary? Those adverts are complete blackmail and there’s no shortcut to it. Leave the judiciary, let them do their work, let all of us calm down, and let us wait for the verdict of the judiciary. If we are saying let us reclaim our mandate, it means that the person currently holding it isn’t entitled to it and that will be taking a position before the court rules; it is taking the judiciary themselves to a court of public opinion which shouldn’t be. They should be allowed to do their job.
Don’t you think this infringes on the advertisers’ right to freedom of expression?
No. No freedom is absolute. Freedom of speech is not absolute. Assuming that another group of people comes up again saying it is their mandate and we will not give it to the other group, do you understand what such a situation will be when we now have two oppositions putting adverts on the same issue? Before you realise it, it would cause another national issue. So, the freedom of speech is not absolute, your freedom of speech stops when it infringes on other people’s freedom of speech.
How do these advertisements pose a risk to the justices of the Presidential Election Petition Court in carrying out their duties without fear or favour?
In the first part, putting up an advert saying, ‘We want to reclaim our mandate’ and ‘All eyes on the judiciary’ is one part. The second part is that if we don’t arrest the situation, it could be blown out of proportion. Assuming the other party or their supporters also decided to put out another one and before you realise it, the entire public space will be littered with offensive counter adverts. Do you also realise that before you take a decision, it can also lead to another level of conversation which will lead to another unrest? So, we need to nip this in the bud and stop this blackmail in the best interest of national peace. The judiciary is yet to make a pronouncement, so, nobody is allowed by law to start making statements on their behalf with respect to the pronouncement.
Politics
NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)
NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)
The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria
1. Introduction & Rationale
The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.
Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.
The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.
This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.
2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?
The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.
Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.
Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:
In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.
In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.
These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.
The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.
3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion
Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.
After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.
Other patterns of exclusion include:
Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states
Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones
Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens
Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices
These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.
4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People
The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.
From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.
One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.
Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”
Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.
Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.
In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.
Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.
The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.
Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria
5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency
Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.
The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.
A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.
Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.
Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.
Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.
Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.
The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.
Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.
Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.
The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.
It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.
6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora
Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.
Notable examples include:
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership
Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing
Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions
The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.
7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP
Vision
A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.
Mission
To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.
Core Values
Peaceful Advocacy
Civic Empowerment
Equity and Fairness
Inclusivity
Democratic Participation
8. Strategic Objectives
Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.
Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.
Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.
Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.
Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.
Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.
9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes
To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:
A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)
A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.
B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)
A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.
C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme
Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.
D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)
To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.
E. Research & Policy Development Wing
A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.
F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project
This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.
10. Organisation & Structure of IPP
The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:
The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.
Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.
National Executive Committee – National leadership team.
International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.
Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.
Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.
Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.
11. Call to Action
This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.
By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.
Our Tomorrow Starts Today!
SIGNED
HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026
news
Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration
Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration
…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance
LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.
Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.
“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.
The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.
The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.
The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.
The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.
Politics
Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development
Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development
The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.
Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.
Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.
During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.
Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.
In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.
Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.
“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.
The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.
In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.
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