Politics
Tinubu Is Nigeria’s Problem: A Mastermind of the Rot, Not Just Its Symptom
Tinubu Is Nigeria’s Problem: A Mastermind of the Rot, Not Just Its Symptom
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
When Femi Oyewale argues that Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not Nigeria’s problem but merely a symptom of a rotting system, he severely underestimates the decades-long influence Tinubu has wielded in entrenching the very rot he now appears to embody. Tinubu is not a passive outcome of systemic failure, he is an active architect of it. From the 1970s to the present day, his strategic political maneuvers, shadowy alliances and godfather-style control have played a central role in shaping Nigeria’s broken political landscape. To excuse him as merely a byproduct is to erase history and absolve responsibility.
1. Tinubu’s Political Genesis Dates Back to the 1980s
Tinubu’s political journey didn’t start in 1999. By the late 1980s, he was already networking among Nigeria’s elite and leveraging his connections within the finance sector. By 1992, he became a Senator representing Lagos West under the Social Democratic Party (SDP). His time in the Senate may have been short-lived due to the Abacha coup, but it placed him firmly within the corridors of power. Following Abacha’s death, Tinubu emerged as one of the most influential members of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). While this earned him some democratic credibility, it also provided the perfect springboard for his political dominance.
2. The Lagos Empire: A Laboratory for Corruption and Control

Tinubu became Lagos State Governor in 1999 and quickly turned Nigeria’s commercial capital into his personal fiefdom. For eight years, he entrenched a political machinery so strong that Lagos politics became synonymous with Tinubu. Upon leaving office in 2007, he didn’t relinquish power, he merely changed seats. His handpicked successors, Babatunde Fashola, Akinwunmi Ambode, and Babajide Sanwo-Olu, all served at his pleasure. When Ambode dared show some independence, Tinubu crushed his re-election bid with swift vengeance.
Through Alpha Beta Consulting (a tax collection firm with opaque ownership linked to him) Tinubu reportedly controlled massive revenues flowing from Lagos State. According to a 2020 court filing by Dapo Apara, a whistleblower and former Managing Director of Alpha Beta, the firm was allegedly used for money laundering and tax fraud, enriching the Tinubu empire under the guise of “consultancy.” These accusations have never been credibly denied, only buried under political influence.
3. The Architect of Political Godfatherism
If godfatherism is one of Nigeria’s greatest political ills, Tinubu is its grandmaster. He didn’t just play politics, he industrialized it. By controlling party primaries, deciding who runs for office, and weaponizing loyalty, he ensured that no one could ascend in the political hierarchy without paying homage to him. This system of fealty over merit has undermined Nigerian governance, especially in the southwest.
His role in building the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013, through a merger of several opposition parties, was not motivated by altruism or reform but by raw ambition. He handed Buhari the 2015 presidential ticket not because Buhari had a new vision for Nigeria, but because he saw a route to national influence. Nigeria got the short end of the stick — an inept presidency and a growing Tinubu empire.
4. Tinubu Enabled and Benefited from Buhari’s Failures
Tinubu didn’t just support Buhari in 2015 and 2019 — he marketed him as the savior of Nigeria. He dismissed warnings about Buhari’s incompetence and dictatorial past. When fuel prices surged, the economy tanked, and insecurity skyrocketed under Buhari, Tinubu remained silent. He was not just complicit; he was a stakeholder in the disaster. He protected the system that allowed Buhari to rule with impunity because he wanted to inherit it.
When the #EndSARS protests erupted in 2020, implicating state-backed repression and calling out Tinubu’s political network in Lagos, he downplayed the movement, branding it anarchic. Rather than stand for justice, he chose self-preservation. Can someone who actively shields tyranny and corruption be called merely a “symptom”?
5. 2023 Elections: Rigging, Violence, and Ethnic Division
The 2023 elections were among the most controversial in Nigeria’s recent democratic history. Tinubu’s emergence as President was mired in widespread reports of vote suppression, intimidation and electoral fraud — particularly in Lagos and Rivers states. Despite glaring irregularities, Tinubu and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) bulldozed through public outrage. His infamous “emi lokan” (“it’s my turn”) declaration in Ogun was not a rallying cry for reform but an arrogant assertion of entitlement. This entitlement is not symptomatic, it is pathological.
He ran on a platform devoid of coherent policy and has since offered Nigerians nothing but hardship. Under his leadership, fuel subsidy removal was carried out with zero planning, leading to astronomical transportation and food prices. The naira was floated into chaos, sparking inflation and economic suffering across the board. Rather than act swiftly, Tinubu flew overseas (often) while Nigerians were told to “tighten their belts.”
6. Unresolved Drug Trafficking Allegations
Tinubu’s defenders routinely downplay or deflect the long-standing allegations of drug trafficking from his past. However, U.S. court records from the 1990s show that the U.S. government confiscated $460,000 from Tinubu’s account due to suspicious narcotics-related activities linked to a Chicago heroin ring. While he was never criminally convicted, the forfeiture is a stain that no amount of political spin can wash away. For someone who would later become President of Africa’s largest democracy, this kind of baggage is not symptomatic, it is toxic.
7. Tinubu Is the System
To say Tinubu is not the problem is to misunderstand the scale of his political footprint. Nigeria’s systemic rot — corruption, cronyism, ethno-regional division and elite capture, has not just enabled Tinubu; Tinubu has, in turn, enabled and fortified that rot. He is not a passive result of the system. He has redesigned, monopolize and weaponized that system for personal gain.
He didn’t find Nigeria broken, he helped break it. He didn’t inherit dysfunction, he orchestrated it. He didn’t stumble into power, he built the path with manipulation, deception and ruthless calculation.
8. A New Narrative Must Begin with Accountability
If Nigeria is to be rescued from its current nightmare, we must reject the narrative that those who have led us into the abyss are mere victims of circumstance. Leadership is responsibility. History demands accountability. Tinubu is not a victim of the system. He is a prime beneficiary and chief engineer of its worst aspects.
To absolve Tinubu is to excuse the decades of deceit, exploitation, and anti-democratic tendencies he has propagated. It is to silence the voices of millions of Nigerians whose lives have been destroyed by decisions made in his boardrooms and war rooms.
Final note
Let’s be clear: Tinubu is not just the face of Nigeria’s political decay; he is one of its principal architects. Unlike many who stumbled into power or inherited broken structures, Tinubu actively built his political empire through transactional politics, godfatherism, suppression of dissent, and the manipulation of public institutions. He is not a mere symptom, he is both the disease and the enabler.
Blaming “the system” without naming and confronting its engineers only ensures that Nigeria remains a nation circling the drain. Until Nigeria confronts Tinubu and all he represents, no true progress can be made.
Politics
Oyo 2027: Ajadi Says PDP Will Retain Power
Oyo 2027: Ajadi Says PDP Will Retain Power
…..Tasks PMS To Remain United, Peaceful
A leading People’s Democratic Party (PDP) governorship aspirant in Oyo State, Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, has urged the people of Oyo State to remain steadfast, saying they will continue to enjoy good governance because the PDP will produce the next governor in the 2027 general elections.
Ajadi, who made this known while addressing transport unions under the Park Management System (PMS) at their headquarters, New Garage, Ibadan, on Tuesday, urged the park managers to remain united and maintain the love and peace currently prevalent among them.
According to him, “My advice to the Park Managers and the commercial drivers in Oyo State is that they should continue the love and peaceful attitudes. They should remain united. They should not ‘scattelegs’.
“Don’t let anybody deceive you, remain steadfast. Let me assure you that our party, the PDP, will produce the next governor come 2027,” Ajadi said.
He said he came to the PMS headquarters to meet with transporters and park managers to inform them of his aspiration to serve the people of Oyo State as governor come 2027.
“Today I joined my people, the park managers in Oyo State, to familiarize myself with them and inform them of my intention to serve the people of Oyo State as the next governor by the Grace of God.”
On the plans for the transporters, Ajadi said he first wants to change the look of the City Cabs, which will be done in collaboration with the Park Management System.
He also plans to increase the number of Mass Transit buses and make them available in all locations of the State.
He said the Mass Transit buses will operate in partnership with the Park Managers.
Ajadi, who commended Governor Makinde on the newly established bus terminals in the State, said his government will ensure adequate usage of the facilities.age of the facilities.
Politics
Why Ifako-Ijaiye’s Voice Is Louder At The Lagos Assembly: The Jah Factor
Why Ifako-Ijaiye’s Voice Is Louder At The Lagos Assembly: The Jah Factor
By Ibukun Simon
In legislative politics, not all representatives are created equal. Some merely occupy seats; others shape conversations, influence outcomes, and leave visible footprints in the lives of their people. Since 2019, Ifako-Ijaiye Constituency I has belonged firmly to the latter category, thanks to the emergence of Hon. Adewale Temitope Adedeji, fondly known as JAH, as its representative in the Lagos State House of Assembly.
As a journalist who has covered proceedings of the Lagos Assembly consistently since 2015, I have witnessed first-hand how representation can either fade into the normal routine or rise into relevance. The entry of Hon. Adedeji into the Assembly marked a clear turning point—not only for Ifako-Ijaiye, but for the quality of debate, advocacy, and people-focused legislation within the House.
On the floor of the Assembly, Hon. Adedeji stands out as one of the lawmakers journalists naturally gravitate towards. His interventions during plenary sessions are deliberate, articulate, and deeply rooted in public interest and knowledge. In the 40-member House, he is widely regarded as one of the top five lawmakers whose contributions command attention, not because of theatrics, but due to his clarity of thought, persuasive delivery, and uncommon mastery of issues. When JAH speaks, the chamber listens—and the press takes notes.
This strength of presence is crucial in a legislative environment where influence matters. In parliamentary practice, experience translates to authority. The Lagos State House of Assembly, like many legislatures, places significant weight on ranking members—lawmakers whose sustained service enhances their ability to push motions, influence committee outcomes, and attract development to their constituencies. Returning Hon. Adedeji to the House in 2027 would therefore mean strengthening Ifako-Ijaiye’s bargaining power and ensuring its concerns are not just heard, but prioritized.
Beyond the chambers, the impact of Hon. Adedeji’s representation is visible across the constituency. In terms of infrastructural development, several road construction and rehabilitation projects have been attracted to Ifako-Ijaiye under his watch, improving accessibility, boosting local businesses, and easing daily movement for residents. These are practical dividends of democracy that speak louder than campaign slogans.
Equally significant is his focus on human development and social inclusion. Since assuming office in 2019, Hon. Adedeji has facilitated job opportunities, empowered the less privileged, and consistently supported students through the distribution of JAMB and GCE forms, helping to remove financial barriers to education. These interventions reflect the impact of a representative who understands that development must touch both infrastructure and people.
What further distinguishes Hon. Adedeji is his constant engagement with constituents. Through consultations, town-hall interactions, and accessibility, he has maintained a relationship that goes beyond election cycles. This closeness has fostered trust and ensured that governance remains responsive to grassroots realities.
As Lagos continues to grow and legislative responsibilities become more demanding, constituencies like Ifako-Ijaiye cannot afford experimental representation. They require lawmakers who understand the system, command respect within it, and can translate legislative influence into real benefits for the people.
From the Assembly floor to the streets of Ifako-Ijaiye, the record since 2019 is clear: effective representation works—and Hon. Adewale Temitope Adedeji has delivered it.
Ibukun writes from Ifako-Ijaiye.
Politics
Lack of Understanding or Legitimate Concern? Otti’s Defence of Tinubu’s Tax Reform Sparks National Debate
Lack of Understanding or Legitimate Concern? Otti’s Defence of Tinubu’s Tax Reform Sparks National Debate
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | SaharaWeeklyNG
“Abia Governor Alex Otti argues critics misunderstand the overhaul of Nigeria’s tax laws, but the controversy reveals deeper anxieties about governance, transparency and economic strain.”
When Abia State Governor Alex Otti publicly defended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s newly enacted tax reform laws on February 13, 2026, he did more than just push back at critics, he threw the spotlight back on a fulcrum issue dividing Nigeria’s political and economic classes. Otti’s assertion that Nigerians attacking the tax policy “lack understanding” crystallises a broader fracture in public discourse over fiscal policy, governance and the future of the Nigerian economy.
The comments from Governor Otti came amid an intensifying national conversation over sweeping tax reforms signed into law in June 2025, designed to modernise Nigeria’s tax architecture and expand revenue mobilisation. These reforms (long in the making and championed by a Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee chaired by Prof. Taiwo Oyedele) mark the most far‑reaching overhaul of federal tax laws in decades. They include restructuring the Federal Inland Revenue Service into the National Revenue Service (NRS), establishing a Tax Appeal Tribunal and Ombudsman Office, and unifying revenue collection frameworks to improve transparency and efficiency.
Governor Otti’s praise for the new legislation resonated with elements of his own fiscal thinking. Drawing on economic positions he articulated nearly a decade ago, he argued that key principles now entrenched in the law reflect sound fiscal reasoning and long‑standing proposals to strengthen Nigeria’s economic foundations. “Almost 10 years ago, I wrote about the fiscal side of things,” Otti said. “When I read the new tax reform law, I saw many of those arguments reflected in it. I thank Prof. Oyedele. When people attack him, they don’t understand.”
Yet, while Otti’s intervention was meant to de‑escalate public criticism, it instead exposed how complex and emotionally charged the issue of taxation has become in Nigeria. Critics, both inside and outside government, argue that the reforms have not been adequately explained to citizens and that many fear the measures will aggravate hardship amid already high costs of living. One prominent voice of dissent, fiscal policy analyst Aborisade, warned that without transparency and clear communication on how tax revenues will be collected and returned to the people, “these reforms risk becoming deeply unpopular.” Critics also highlight that any tax increase implemented without demonstrable improvements in public services could fuel resentment and mistrust in governance.
That mistrust is not abstract. For years, Nigeria has struggled with weak tax compliance, low revenue‑to‑GDP ratios compared with other emerging economies, and public scepticism over how government revenues are utilised. Many Nigerians remember episodes where policy changes were not accompanied by visible improvements in infrastructure, healthcare or power delivery, reinforcing the belief among skeptics that new taxes equate to greater burden with little reward.
For supporters like Otti and others in government policy circles, the reforms represent a long‑overdue attempt to widen the tax net and reduce Nigeria’s chronic dependence on volatile oil revenues. Advocates argue that a modernised tax system can enhance domestic revenue mobilisation, reduce fiscal deficits, and create a more resilient economy. They point out that reforms provide exemptions and reliefs for low‑income earners and small businesses and are aimed at building a fairer, more transparent system for all stakeholders.
Still, bridging the gap between these competing narratives is challenging. Opposition voices contend that even well‑designed tax policy may fail if the state lacks the capacity to implement it equitably or if the public’s confidence in leadership remains weak. “Without accountability and clear benefits for their contributions, any tax reform risks becoming deeply unpopular,” Aborisade emphasised, warning that heavy taxation without trust can fracture the social contract.
The debate over Tinubu’s tax reform illustrates a deeper truth about contemporary Nigeria: that economic policy no longer exists in a vacuum but is deeply intertwined with public sentiment, political legitimacy, and social cohesion. As one respected economist put it, “Taxation is not just a fiscal tool, it is a trust‑building exercise between the state and its citizens.” When that trust is fragile, even technically sound reforms can be seen as punitive rather than constructive.
Analysts suggest that meaningful public engagement (including sustained information campaigns, transparent revenue utilisation reporting and constructive dialogue with civil society) is essential to soothe anxieties and build confidence in the new system. Without this, what began as an effort to stabilise public finances could widen political and social divides.
In defending the tax reforms, Governor Otti has framed the challenge as one of comprehension rather than critique. But the controversy unfolding across Nigeria is not simply about misunderstanding; it underscores a profound gap between policy design and public perception. For a reform of this magnitude to succeed, Nigerians must be assured not only of its economic merits, but also of its fairness, transparency and tangible impact on everyday lives.
As the implementation phase continues through 2026 and beyond, the Tinubu administration, state governments and economic stakeholders face the critical task of translating legislative change into broader public trust – a task as difficult as any technical reform the tax laws themselves seek to achieve.
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