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Trumping China in Africa?

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Obasanjo: A living legend - Gov. Abiodun

 

 

Olusegun Obasanjo and Greg Mills

The Trump Administration recently announced a long-awaited new strategy towards Africa.
It’s designed to be tougher in its selection of partners and to counter what is described as the “predatory” practices of China and Russia, which it says are “deliberately and aggressively targeting their investments in the region to gain a competitive advantage”.

National security adviser John Bolton outlined the new strategy in remarks at the Heritage Foundation. Russia, he alleged, is “seeking to increase its influence in the region through corrupt economic dealings.” Russia and China’s efforts across the continent, he said, “stunt” Africa’s economic growth.

There is some to admire in the new strategy. It positions the US to “support open markets for American businesses, grow Africa’s middle class, promote youth employment opportunities, and improve the business climate.”
Nothing wrong with any of this, in principle.

The strategy calls for an end to the dissipation of aid across a multitude of projects and in the name of many causes. The US is the largest provider of development assistance world-wide and to Africa, spending $8.7 billion on the continent alone in 2017. USAID maintains more than two dozen regional and bilateral African missions.

Nothing much amiss with this idea either. As Ambassador Bolton correctly noted, one of the comparative strengths of the Marshall Plan was in its targeting of key economic sectors.

Yet problems in the operational ineffectiveness of aid is not only confined to Africa. It is also at least as much a donor problem as one of the recipients. The high transaction costs of aid reflect the multiple domestic constituencies in the donor countries that need to be assuaged, highlighting institutional priorities and politics that are seldom African in origin.

The strategy also says that the US will reassess its support for certain UN operations. There are longstanding concerns about ill-prepared UN peacekeepers intent on picking up the per diem rather than carrying out their military tasks.

The strategy also highlights the folly of giving aid to countries whose governance is troublesome, singling out the “morally bankrupt” leadership of South Sudan where Washington has expended nearly $4 billion in the last four years.
Again, whereas such a bold change might spur an improvement in the delivery of commitments, this is a problem less to do with Africa than among the donors and contributing nations.

But there is cause for concern over some elements of the new Africa strategy.

Bolton said of China’s dealings with the continent that it “uses bribes, opaque agreements, and the strategic use of debt to hold states in Africa captive to Beijing’s wishes and demands.” Citing well-founded fears about rising debt in Zambia (which has ballooned nearly four-fold to over 70% of GDP in just ten years) and Djibouti (which has seen the strategically-vital Horn of African country effectively mortgage its container port to Beijing), he claims that China’s “investment ventures are riddled with corruption, and do not meet the same environmental or ethical standards as US developmental programmes.”

Still China’s relationship with the continent is not all bad. Far from it. Nor can we say that the US’ relationship with the continent is universally beneficial to all recipients.

China’s second coming in Africa – the first being a short-lived intervention during the wars of liberation in the 1960s and 1970s – has transformed the image of the continent from largely one of a problem to be solved to a commercial prospect. As a result, China’s trade relationship with Africa has grown this century from just $10 billion to nearly $200 billion, and its continental investment stake is now greater than that of the United States at $35 billion by 2017, with over $140 billion in Chinese loans committed to date.

While there is nothing wrong with greater competition over ideas, Africa is likely to resist making a choice between China and the United States. The US is asking African countries to choose sides at a time when many don’t have this luxury.

It would be more interesting to find the means whereby the two superpowers work together, though the strategy makes little mention of global interdependence as an operating principle.

This is worrying, since the history of superpower rivalry in Africa is messy, destructive and occasionally bloody. The continent should do everything to avoid this happening again.

There is another concern. The document stresses the need to combat terrorism, and to use foreign aid to open up US markets to African partners, with little recognition of the different levels of development, sophistication and threat across the continent’s 55 states.

Some fear that US relations with Saudi Arabia point to how Washington will approach African countries – you can do what you want (and get a lot from us) as long as you act as a partner.

If so, this approach would dramatically undersell the US’ greatest African asset and its key distinguishing feature from China and Russia; not technology or access to the American market, but the values Washington represents.

Two-thirds of African polled routinely prefer democracy to any other form of government. Ethiopia’s recent turn from an authoritarian to a more democratic system makes lie of the notion that Africans prefer economic growth to human rights.

The United States is unlikely to beat China at its African game of delivering low-cost infrastructure in exchange for resources and contracts. Not only is the weight of population numbers on China’s side, but aid conditionality is likely to drive a race to the governance bottom, not the top.

Also, not too many Americans have the appetite for working in remote African environments for the same rewards as their Chinese counterparts. As a beacon of constitutionalism, instead the US should be focusing on how better to support democracy across Africa, fighting the battle for influence with tools few others possess.

The strategy does say that “Foreign assistance from the United States will concentrate on states that promote democratic ideals, support fiscal transparency, and undertake economic reforms.” While it points to the need for “prioritisation” and not tolerating “ineffective governance” and subsidising “corrupt leaders and violators of human rights”, the question is exactly ‘how’?

Washington can play a critical role in improving governance oversight and checks and balances on executive power by increasing support for parliamentary capacity, supporting greater transparency and vigilance over elections not least in having the means to identify tampering and guts to call them out as fraudulent, and a surge in funding African scholarships for the next generation.

The latter would probably, if it was to do nothing else, be the area where the US could achieve the greatest bang for its buck, both by Africa and in increasing its scale, power and placement of its own network. Putting just 20% of its African aid budget to scholarships, would enable 40,000 fresh students to attend US graduate courses.
That would really be generational and transformative, putting soft power to work, outsmarting China in Africa.

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President Obasanjo and Dr Mills are co-authors of the just-released ‘Democracy Works: Rewiring Politics for Africa’s Advantage’.

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Why Nigeria Is Failing: The Absence of a True Activist President

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Why Nigeria Is Failing: The Absence of a True Activist President
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

Since gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has struggled to fulfill the promises of democracy, good governance, and national development. Despite its wealth of human and natural resources, the country remains shackled by poverty, corruption, insecurity, and inequality. One central reason for this tragic underperformance is that Nigeria has never had a genuine natural activist as president—someone who embodies courage, truth, people-centeredness, and the dogged pursuit of justice.

Why Nigeria Is Failing: The Absence of a True Activist President
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

An activist president is not just a politician with populist rhetoric or a reformist with half-hearted policies. A true activist president is a leader whose political journey is rooted in service, whose conscience is unshaken by power, and whose commitment to the people’s welfare overrides personal ambition. Nigeria, unfortunately, has lacked such a figure at the helm.

The Political Class: Custodians of Self-interest

Most of Nigeria’s post-independence leaders emerged from military backgrounds or elite political families, often disconnected from the struggles of everyday Nigerians. Their primary loyalty lies not with the people but with entrenched interests—godfathers, ethnic power blocs, and foreign partners. As a result, Nigeria has been governed by men who lacked the moral fire and activist instinct necessary to radically confront injustice and reform oppressive structures.

 

Former president Muhammadu Buhari, for example, came to power in 2015 on a wave of anti-corruption promises, yet presided over one of the most nepotistic, economically disastrous, and divisive administrations in Nigerian history. Under his watch, Nigeria became the poverty capital of the world, inflation soared, and the naira collapsed. Yet, there was no sense of urgency or moral outrage from the presidency. That is not the mark of a natural activist—it is the signature of a career politician insulated from the people’s pain.

 

What Activist Leadership Looks Like
To understand what Nigeria has missed, we must look at examples of real activism. Take Gani Fawehinmi, the late human rights lawyer and one of Nigeria’s most respected moral voices. Gani stood firmly against military dictatorship, corruption, and human rights abuses. He spent time in jail, faced harassment, and lost personal comforts—all for the cause of justice.

In one of his famous quotes, he said:

“The legal profession is not for those who want to make money; it is for those who want to make a difference.”

Now imagine a Gani Fawehinmi-style figure as president. Would he tolerate the mass looting of public funds? Would he watch silently as universities are shut down, as youths migrate en masse, or as politicians manipulate the constitution for selfish gain? No. His presidency would be a fight for dignity, justice, and the poor.

Another case is Fela Anikulapo Kuti, the Afrobeat legend whose music was a fearless protest against oppression. Though never a politician, Fela had more influence than many presidents. He once said:

“My people are scared of the air around them, they always have an excuse not to fight for freedom.”

Fela’s message still resonates because Nigeria’s leaders govern with fear, not freedom. Fela might not have been president, but his activist mindset is what Nigeria sorely lacks in its highest office.

Activism Today: The Uncelebrated Warriors
Modern-day activists like Aisha Yesufu, a co-founder of the Bring Back Our Girls movement, have continued this tradition. Her iconic image standing in defiance during the #EndSARS protests became a symbol of resistance.

She once remarked:

“We can no longer outsource governance. We must take responsibility. If Nigeria is bad, it is because of Nigerians who allowed it.”

Likewise, Omoyele Sowore, founder of Sahara Reporters and convener of #RevolutionNow, has faced arrest, intimidation, and ridicule for daring to speak truth to power. Though often dismissed by the political elite, his activism exposes the structural rot that elections alone cannot fix.

Sowore once said:

“Real change does not come from people in power; it comes from people who challenge power.”

The Consequences of Activist Absence
The absence of a truly activist-minded president has created a dangerous vacuum—where leadership is reduced to ceremony, governance to contracts, and power to propaganda. Nigeria’s rulers manage crises; they don’t solve them. They placate foreign donors while ignoring the dying masses at home.

Under this docile leadership, corruption has become institutionalized. Security has deteriorated to the point where terrorists and bandits operate with impunity. The youth, the very future of the country, are fleeing in droves. According to the African Polling Institute, over 70% of Nigerian youths expressed a desire to leave the country permanently. This “Japa” syndrome is not just economic—it is psychological. It reflects a deep loss of faith in the leadership.

Why PDP’s Structure Offers Hope
While no political party is perfect, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) remains the most institutionally democratic structure in Nigeria’s political space. It has internal mechanisms for accountability, broader national appeal, and a history of relatively better economic performance during its years in power.

A committed activist emerging from or supported by such a structure would have a better chance of resisting autocratic tendencies, building coalitions across regions, and enacting pro-people policies. However, such a person must not be swallowed by party interests—they must reform the system from within, not become part of the rot.

What Nigeria Needs Now
Nigeria doesn’t need another technocrat who quotes GDP figures or an ex-general who can’t inspire trust. It doesn’t need recycled political heavyweights with no ideological clarity. What Nigeria desperately needs is an activist president—someone with the fire of Gani, the boldness of Fela, the resilience of Aisha, and the courage of Sowore.

This leader must emerge from the people, not be manufactured by elite consensus. They must be driven not by the perks of office, but by the pain of the people. They must be ready to lose power if it means saving the nation.

Until Nigeria experiences such leadership, the cycle of despair will continue. Elections will come and go, but nothing will change. The problems are too deep for cosmetic solutions. We need a president who is not afraid to call Nigeria’s problems by their real names and confront them head-on.

As Martin Luther King Jr. said:

“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”

Nigeria’s leadership has been silent for too long. It is time for a voice—a bold, activist voice—to speak and lead us out of the darkness.

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APC Governors Visit Buhari Amid Defections, Pledge Unity and Loyalty to Party Patriarch

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APC Governors Visit Buhari Amid Defections, Pledge Unity and Loyalty to Party Patriarch

APC Governors Visit Buhari Amid Defections, Pledge Unity and Loyalty to Party Patriarch

In a high-profile show of solidarity, governors elected under the platform of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) on Monday paid a courtesy visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari at his residence in Daura, Kaduna State.

Led by the Governor of Imo State and Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum, Hope Uzodimma, the APC governors held a closed-door meeting with Buhari, whom they described as the “father of the party.”

Speaking to journalists after the meeting, Uzodimma said the visit was meant to check on Buhari’s well-being and to express gratitude for his continued influence and guidance within the APC.

“We came to pay former President Muhammadu Buhari a courtesy visit,” Uzodimma said. “He is our father in politics and the only president the APC has produced since its formation. We are thankful to God that we met him in good health, and we had a very fruitful interaction.”

The visit comes against the backdrop of growing defections from the APC, including prominent Buhari allies such as former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai, who reportedly obtained Buhari’s blessing before defecting to the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Mid-March also saw reports of former ministers in Buhari’s cabinet planning to move en masse to the SDP, while in Buhari’s home state of Katsina, several APC members have already crossed over.

Despite the cracks within the ruling party, Uzodimma insisted the visit symbolized unity and renewed strength within the APC, which currently boasts 21 sitting governors across the federation.

“APC remains the largest political party in Africa and we are proud of our achievements. President Buhari expressed satisfaction with the direction of the party and the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu,” Uzodimma said.

Kaduna State Governor, Uba Sani, also lauded Buhari for his unwavering support for the APC and President Tinubu.

“We are happy with the way President Buhari continues to support our great party and President Tinubu. His blessings remain vital to the stability of the APC,” Sani noted.

The visit, attended by several APC governors, reportedly included discussions on internal party affairs, recent defections, and strategies to solidify the party’s base ahead of future elections.

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Governors vs. Grassroots: Supreme Court’s Local Government Autonomy Ruling Faces Sabotage

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Governors vs. Grassroots: Supreme Court’s Local Government Autonomy Ruling Faces Sabotage

Governors vs. Grassroots: Supreme Court’s Local Government Autonomy Ruling Faces Sabotage

Nearly nine months after the Supreme Court granted full financial autonomy to Nigeria’s 774 local government areas (LGAs), implementation of the historic judgment is being quietly sabotaged—this time from within.

Investigations by The PUNCH have uncovered a deepening standoff between the Federal Government and several state governors, many of whom have allegedly resorted to intimidation, threats, and policy delays to prevent local government chairmen from opening designated Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) accounts for direct allocation payments.

“Our governor has threatened us not to open accounts with the CBN for the direct payment of our allocation,” a visibly frustrated LGA chairman from a South-East state told The PUNCH, requesting anonymity out of fear of political retaliation.

According to the Supreme Court ruling, LGAs are to receive their monthly allocations directly from the Federation Account, a long-sought step towards grassroots development and financial independence. However, several chairmen across the country claim they are being coerced into compliance with governors’ preferences—including proposals to return 50% of their allocations in exchange for the right to open the accounts.

Federal Push, State Resistance

In response to the court ruling, the Federal Government set up a high-level implementation panel, which directed the CBN to open individual accounts for all LGAs. The Accountant-General of the Federation, Attorney-General Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), and key stakeholders have also been in negotiations to iron out implementation logistics.

But The PUNCH has learned that the CBN process has been sluggish, with only Delta State LGAs having submitted full account details to date. Compounding the delays are what sources describe as “stringent requirements” from the apex bank—such as the submission of two-month bank statements—posing logistical challenges for many LGAs.

An LGA chairman in the South-West explained, “All council areas here can’t meet up with the conditions because, frankly, governors have control of the accounts. They give us whatever they feel like.”

In Benue, a chairman revealed, “They (the governors) are pushing for us to open accounts in commercial banks instead. They know once it’s the CBN, they lose access to our funds.”

Federal Silence, Fragmented Compliance

The vacuum in presidential clarity is further muddying the waters. Though governors reportedly met with President Bola Tinubu to lobby for commercial bank accounts over CBN accounts, it remains unclear where the presidency stands.

In Nasarawa, where officials claim all CBN accounts are opened, the state’s NULGE chairman, Adamu Sharhabilu, expressed frustration: “We have yet to receive direct allocations. The money is still sent to Joint State-LGA Accounts.”

Another Nasarawa chairman contradicted this optimism, blaming the Federal Government for failure to bypass state structures and send allocations directly. “We have so many accounts ready to receive the money, but they won’t send it,” he lamented.

A Patchwork of Responses Nationwide

Across the country, compliance is uneven. In Kwara, NULGE boss Seun Oyinlade said, “We’re not aware any of our 16 LGAs have opened CBN accounts. We’ll only know when funds are paid.”

In Yobe, March salaries were reportedly still paid through the Ministry of Local Government, with no trace of direct payment implementation.

In Zamfara, ALGON chairman Alhaji Samaila Moriki admitted no accounts had been opened yet, citing the need for “further instructions.”

Meanwhile, in Jigawa, ALGON chairman Prof. Abdulrahman Salim insisted the process is “progressing,” with most administrative steps completed and biometric registration pending. But a NULGE source cast doubt, warning that governors could “change the process entirely” at will.

Even in Kano, where 44 LGAs await CBN verification, no accounts have been activated. “We’ve read about it in the newspapers,” said Garko LGA chairman Saminu Garko, highlighting the information vacuum between federal institutions and local authorities.

A Standoff with National Implications

The Supreme Court ruling had sparked hope for true devolution of power, ending decades of financial strangulation of LGAs by state governments. Yet, the fierce pushback from governors now threatens to render the landmark judgment toothless.

One chairman summarized the national mood:

“What’s the point of autonomy on paper if governors still hold the purse strings?”

As grassroots development stalls, pressure is mounting on the Federal Government to enforce compliance and on the CBN to ease its procedural barriers.

But unless decisive action is taken soon, the dream of an empowered third tier of government may remain just that—a dream.

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