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“WE SHALL NOT BOW”-Femi Fani-Kayode Blows Hot
Published
6 years agoon
“I am the leader of Uthman Danfodio dynasty. I have never seen where in the hundred books that Uthman Danfodio said Nigeria belongs to the Fulani. What he wrote was the role of Islam in leadership, governance etc. He never mentioned of conquering any particular land or claimed ownership of any territory. People make comments that Jihad is to Islamise every country, but I said no. Danfodio never came to Islamise any country, he preached against bad government. That fake write-up was by those who don’t want peace in this country and we had denounced that. I am the National Patron of the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association (MACBAN). It has been in existence for 44 years. There are two other organisations that I know, but others I don’t know. Please verify from us before you put blame on us”- Muhammadu S’aad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto, February, 2020.
I commend His Eminence the Sultan of Sokoto for attempting to do damage control and douse the tension that was generated in the aftermath of the explosive statement by the Fulani Nationalist Movement (FUNAM).
However I respectfully disagree with him on his assertion that his highly esteemed ancestor and forefather, Uthman Dan Fodio “never conquered or claimed ownership of any land” or that “he did not come to Islamise any country”.
I also beg to differ with him on his tacit implication that Miyetti Allah, an organisation that can best be described as the biblical and modern-day “troubler of our collective peace” are respectable and peace-loving.
I believe that given what we have suffered in the hands of the local Janjaweed known as the Fulani herdsmen and murderous terrorist militias who have come under their protective umbrella over the last five years, the opposite is actually the case.
Permit me to focus on Uthman Dan Fodio in this contribution and leave the insidious activities and sinister agenda of Miyetti Allah for another day. The facts are as follows.
In 1804 one of the most savage and bestial wars and bloody jihads in African history was waged against the Hausa Habe Kingdom and people of the area that later became known as “northern Nigeria” by Sheik Uthman Dan Fodio.
He was primarily an Islamic scholar and the spiritual and military leader of the Fulani people who came in their hundreds of thousands from Futa Jalon and Futa Toro in modern-day Guniea to northern Nigeria and established Africa’s most powerful and ruthless Islamic Caliphate.
For anyone, no matter how respected or highly placed, to suggest that Dan Fodio was just a scholar and teacher that only wrote books, that never waged war and violent jihad and that never laid claim to and conquered parts of Nigeria is most unfortunate.
Such an assertion can best be described as being, at best, intellectually dishonest and patently false and, at worse, historical revisionism in its most brazen and repugnant form.
The truth is that Dan Fodio and his Fulani army not only indulged in merciless acts of pure barbarity in battle and committed what can only be described as genocide against defenceless and innocent civilian populations but he also imposed his own extreme, hardline, purist, wahhabist and salafist version of Islam on the people of core northern Nigeria with a scimitar and a sword and forcefully imposed Fulani Emirs on them.
The only ethnic nationality that successfully warded him and his Fulani armies off in the north were the strong and proud Kanuris of the El Kanemi dynasty and empire in modern-day Borno state who warned him to steer clear of their territory and he did.
Finally the only race that ever defeated the Fulani in open battle and thereby put a halt and full stop to their attempt to march down South and “dip the Koran in the Atlantic ocean” were the gallant sons of Oduduwa, led primarily by the Ibadan generals and military commanders, who defeated them in battle at Osogbo in 1840 and drove them back north.
They not only defeated them but they also slaughtered and ate their horses and publicly executed their allies and military commanders from Ilorin.
The Fulani have never succeeded in conquering the people of the South West militarily and I make boast to say that they never will.
The recent statement credited to the Fulani Nationalist Movement known as FUNAM who said that every inch of Nigeria belonged to them “from Sokoto to the banks of the Atlantic ocean”, that “Nigeria is the only inheritance we have in Africa and anywhere in the world” and that “this was the destiny bestowed on Uthman Dan Fodio which would have been fulfilled since 1816 if not for the obstruction of this great assignment by the British” was simply an accurate and honest reflection of the mindset and ultimate vision of Usman Dan Fodio and other great Fulani leaders and Mahdi’s through the ages like Sir Ahmadu Bello and lately President Muhammadu Buhari.
FUNAM went further to say,
“It is no longer time to play the ostrich. Our men are waiting. We are eager to fight. We are boiling with the zeal to actualize our dream; enough of double dealing and ambivalence by FULANI political leaders who unfortunately think the FULANI can only take back what belongs to us through appeasement and elections destined to reflect cultural values antithetical to the preaching of Uthman Dan Fodio”.
We ignore and play down these incendiary words at our own peril.
I speak for millions when I say that the indigenous and oppressed people and ethnic nationalities of Nigeria have had enough of these open threats of tyranny and violence and neither are we interested in being vassals and slaves.
Had we listened to Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu and the Biafrans in 1967, considered their terrible plight and aligned with them during the civil war things would have been very different today and we would not have been subjected to these infantile and provocative insults from the likes of FUNAM.
The bottom line is as follows: we either have a Nigeria where all men, regardless of ethnic nationality or faith, are regarded as being equal before God and the law or we shall have no Nigeria at all. No-one can impose their will on us and neither can anyone intimidate us.
We do not seek war and neither do we relish or endorse any form of violence. We want peaceful co-existence and mutual respect. We want love, prosperity and progress for all and we offer it to those who wish us well and seek to do us no harm.
However if in a moment of madness we are ever attacked we shall stand firm and stand strong. We shall never retreat and neither shall we surrender.
We shall defend our people, we shall defend our land, we shall defend our honor and we shall defend our heritage.
We are not cowards and we shall never bend the knee or bow our heads to the tyranny of foreign invaders who erroneously believe that they were born to rule and that we were born to serve.
Permit me to conclude this contribution with the following.
Given what is going on in our country today and despite the laudable efforts of moderates such as the Sultan of Sokoto to diffuse the tension and reign in the more radical and hardline elements in the ranks of the Fulani I am convinced of two things.
Firstly that the call by many southern and Middle Belt leaders for restructuring is not only outdated but also too little, too late.
Secondly that if care is not taken there is every likelihood that Nigeria will break into two or more pieces within the next five years.
Mark my words and remember them! The only way to prevent this from happening is for these vicious threats of gratutious violence and Fulani adventurism and expansionism to stop and for the oppressors to start seeing the oppressed as equal partners and stakeholders in the Nigerian project. Without that Nigeria is truly finished and will soon be history.
(Femi Fani-Kayode)
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Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”
Published
22 hours agoon
August 18, 2025
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.

Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.

No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
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Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Published
2 days agoon
August 17, 2025
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.

The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
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Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Published
3 days agoon
August 16, 2025
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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